Skip to main content

Full text of "The Civil war through the camera, hundreds of vivid photographs actually taken in Civil war times, sixteen reproductions in color of famous war paintings. The new text history by Henry W. Elson. A. complete illustrated history of the Civil war"

See other formats



Hundreds of Vivid Photographs 

Actually Taken in Civil War Times 

Sixteen Reproductions in Color of Famous War Paintings 


Professor of History, Ohio University 

A Complete Illustrated History of the 

McKinlay, Stone & Mackenzie 



This Federal major of artillery was summoned on April 11, 1861, to surrender 
Fort Sumter and the property of the government whose uniform he wore. 
At half-past four the following morning the boom of the first gun from Fort 
Johnson in Charleston Harbor notified the breathless, waiting world that 
war was on. The flag had been fired on, and hundreds of thousands of lives 
were to be sacrificed ere the echoes of the great guns died away at the end of 
four years into the obs of a nation whose best and bravest, North and South, 
had strewn the many battlefields. No wonder that the attention of the civil 
ized world was focussed on the man who provoked the first blow in the great 
est conflict the world has ever known. He was the man who handled the 
situation at the breaking point. To him the North looked to preserve the 
Federal property in Charleston Harbor, and the honor of the National flag. 
The action of the South depended upon his decision. He played the part of 
a true soldier, and two days after the first shot was fired he led his little gar 
rison of the First United States Artillery out of Sumter with the honors of war. 

"* L 

l\) t O 

S ; C,EN;ES. {>? . 6.9. 

THAN" (PAGE 44) 

The upper photograph 
shows Confederates on 
Monday the fifteenth of 
April, 1861 one day 
after the momentous 
event which Holmes 
dimly prophesied in 
" Brother Jonathan " 
(page 44). The picture 
below, with the two fol 
lowing, were made on 
the 16th. As April wore 
on, North and South 
alike had been reluctant 
to strike first. When 
Major Robert Anderson, 
on December 26, 1860, 
removed to Fort Sumtcr, 
on an island at the 
entrance to Charleston 



v \NCWv.A\D K \STKUX "A<; 

,.t !,, ,,,-lti.,,, ,. , M 


Harbor, he placed him 
self in a position to with 
stand long attack. But 
he needed supplies. The 
Confederates would al 
low none to be landed. 
When at length rumors 
of a powerful naval force 
to relieve the fort 
reached Charleston, the 
Confederates demanded 
the surrender of the gar 
rison. Anderson prom 
ised to evacuate by April 
15th if he received no 
additional supplies. His 
terms were rejected. At 
half-past four on the 
morning of April 12th a 
shell from Fort Johnson 
"rose high in air, and 
curving in its course, 
burst almost directly 
over the fort." The 
mighty war had begun. 


Wade Hampton (the tallest figure) and other leading South Carolinians inspecting the effects of the cannonading that 
had forced Major Anderson to evacuate, and had precipitated the mightiest conflict of modern times two days before. 




By MARCUS ,T. WRIGHT, Brigadier-General, C.S.A. 

Agent of the United States War Department for the Collection of 
Military Records 

fTlHE war which was carried on in the United States in 
1 1861-5, called " The War of the Rebellion," " The Civil 
War," " The War of Secession," and " The War Between 
the States," was one of the greatest conflicts of ancient or 
modern times. Official reports show that 2,865,028 men were 
mustered into the service of the United States. The report 
of Provost-Marshal General Fry shows that of these 61,362 
were killed in battle, 34,773 died of wounds, 183,287 died of 
disease, 306 were accidentally killed, and 267 were executed by 
sentence. The Adjutant-General made a report February 7, 
1869, showing the total number of deaths to be 303,504. 

The Confederate forces are estimated from 600,000 to 
1,000,000 men, and ever since the conclusion of the war there 
has been no little controversy as to the total number of troops 
involved. The losses in the Confederate army have never 
been officially reported, but the United States War Depart 
ment, which has been assiduously engaged in the collection of 
all records of both armies, has many Confederate muster-rolls 
on which the casualties are recorded. The tabulation of these 
rolls shows that 52,954 Confederate soldiers were killed in 
action, 21,570 died of wounds, and 59,297 died of disease. This 
does not include the missing muster-rolls, so that to these fig 
ures a substantial percentage must be added. Differences in 
methods of reporting the strength of commands, the absence 
of adequate field-records and the destruction of those actually 




Knots of citizens still linger around the stands where Anderson, who had abandoned Sumter only six days 
before, had just roused the multitude to wild enthusiasm. Of this gathering in support of the Government 
the New York Herald said at the time: "Such a mighty uprising of the people has never before been witnessed 
in New York, nor throughout the whole length and breadth of the Union. Five stands were erected, from 
which some of the most able speakers of the city and state addressed the multitude on the necessity of 
rallying around the flag of the Republic in this hour of its danger. A series of resolutions was proposed and 
unanimously adopted, pledging the meeting to use every means to preserve the Union intact and inviolate. 
Great unanimity prevailed throughout the whole proceedings; party politics were ignored, and the en 
tire meeting speakers and listeners were a unit in maintaining the national honor unsullied. Major Ander- 
son, the hero of Fort Sumter, was present, and showed himself at the various stands, at each of which he was 
most enthusiastically received. An impressive feature of the occasion was the flag of Sumter, hoisted on 
the stump of the staff that had been shot away, placed in the hand of the equestrian statue of Washington." 

0f tip War 


made are responsible for considerable lack of information as 
to the strength and losses of the Confederate army. There 
fore, the matter is involved in considerable controversy and 
never will be settled satisfactorily; for there is no probability 
that further data on this subject will be forthcoming. 

The immensity and extent of our great Civil War are 
shown by the fact that there were fought 2,261 battles and en 
gagements, which took place in the following named States: 
In New York, 1 ; Pennsylvania, 9 ; Maryland, 30 ; District of 
Columbia, 1; West Virginia, 80; Virginia, 519; North Caro 
lina, 85; South Carolina, 60; Georgia, 108; Florida, 32; 
Alabama, 78; Mississippi, 186; Louisiana, 118; Texas, 14; 
Arkansas, 167; Tennessee, 298; Kentucky, 138; Ohio, 3; In 
diana, 4 ; Illinois, 1 ; Missouri, 244 ; Minnesota, 6 ; California, 
6; Kansas, 7; Oregon, 4; Nevada, 2; Washington Territory, 
1; Utah, 1; New Mexico, 19; Nebraska, 2; Colorado, 4; Indian 
Territory, 17; Dakota, 11; Arizona, 4; and Idaho, 1. 

It soon became evident that the official record of the War 
of 1861-5 must be compiled for the purposes of Government 
administration, as well as in the interest of history, and this 
work was projected near the close of the first administration 
of President Lincoln. It has continued during the tenure of 
succeeding Presidents, under the direction of the Secretaries 
of War, from Edwin M. Stanton, under whom it began, to 
Secretary Elihu Root, under w r hose direction it was completed. 
As a successor to and complement of this Government publi 
cation, nothing could be more useful or interesting than the 
present publication. The text does not aim at a statistical 
record, but is an impartial narrative supplementing the pic 
tures. Nothing gives so clear a conception of a person or an 
event as a picture. The more intelligent people of the country, 
North and South, desire the truth put on record, and all bitter 
feeling eliminated. This work, with its text and pictures, it 
is believed, will add greatly to that end. 



Looking north on Broadway 
from "The Park" (later 
City Hall Park) in war 
time, one sees the Stars and 
Stripes waving above the 
recruiting station, past 
which the soldiers stroll. 
There is a convenient booth 
with liquid refreshments. 
To the right of the picture 
the rear end of a street car is 
visible, but passenger travel 
on Broadway itself is by 
stage. On the left is the 
Astor House, then one of 
the foremost hostelries of 
the city. In the lower pho 
tograph the view is from the 

balcony of the Metropolitan 
looking north on Broadway. 
The twin towers on the left 
are those of St. Thomas s 
Church. The lumbering 
stages, with the deafening 
noise of their rattling win 
dows as they drive over the 
cobblestones, are here in 
force. More hoop-skirts 
are retreating in the dis 
tance, and a gentleman in 
the tall hat of the period 
is on his way down town. 
Few of the buildings seen 
here remained half a cen 
tury later. The time is sum 
mer, as the awnings attest. 

Secretary of War. 

Postmaster-G eneral . 

Secretary of the Navy. 

Secretary of the Treasury. 





Other members were: War, Simon 
Cameron (1861); Treasury, W. P. 
Fesscnden, July 1, 1SG4, and Hugh 
McCulloch, March 4, 18G5; Interior, 
John P. Usher, January 8, 18G3; At 
torney-General, James fe}n-ed, Decem 
ber 2, 1864; Postmaster-General, 
William Dennison, September $4,1864. 

Secretary of State. 

Secretary of the Interior. 


Secretary of ^Yar. 

Secretary of the Treasury. 

Secretary of the Navy. 



The members of the Cabinet were 
chosen not from intimate friends of 
the President, but from the men pre 
ferred by the States they represented. 
There was no Secretary of the In 
terior in the Confederate Cabinet. 

Vice-Pres ide n t . 

Secretary of State. 


Judah P. Benjamin, Secretary of 
State, has been called the brain of 
the Confederacy. President Davis 
wished to appoint the Honorable 
Robert Barnwell, Secretary of State, 
but Mr. Barnwell declined the honor. 



fT^HERE had been strife, a bloodless, political strife, for 
M. forty years between the two great sections of the Ameri 
can nation. No efforts to reconcile the estranged brethren of 
the same household had been successful. The ties that bound 
the great sections of the country had severed one by one; 
their contention had grown stronger through all these years, 
until at last there was nothing left but a final appeal to the 
arbitrament of the sword then came the great war, the great 
est civil war in the annals of mankind. 

" Hostilities " began with the secession of South Carolina 
from the Union, December 20, 1860. On January 9, 1861, 
the Star of the West was fired upon in Charleston Harbor. 

For the first time in the nation s history the newly-elected 
President had entered the capital city by night and in secret, 
in the fear of the assassin s plots. For the first time he had 
been inaugurated under a military guard. Then came the 
opening shots, and the ruined walls of the noble fort in Charles 
ton harbor told the story of the beginnings of the fratricidal 
war. The fall of Sumter, on April 14, 1861, had aroused the 
North to the imminence of the crisis, revealing the danger that 
threatened the Union and calling forth a determination to 
preserve it. The same event had unified the South; four addi 
tional States cast their lot with the seven which had already 
seceded from the Union. Virginia, the Old Dominion, the first 
born of the sisterhood of States, swung into the secession col 
umn but three days after the fall of Sumter; the next day, 
April 18th, she seized the arsenal at Harper s Ferry and on 
the 20th the great navy-yard at Norfolk. 

Two governments, each representing a different economic 




<U CJ n ^(J 

> c -*-> 

(L) . ^ 

O u 


O fu cs 

4) ,3 -C 

c3 O 
^ C 




^ J3 



2 a 

cfi c3 

a t! 

5 c _a 

C r^ 

!s -" 

fcjj flj 



s a 

O l> 


c ^ 

cS ., 
?P rt 


H g a 

& J5 
o -^ 

c c 

U2 42 

b o 

cc 1) 
e3 1-3 

^ C 

(D CU 

CH cfi 

o s 

* L 

i i >-. 5 

3 E | j= 

i ^i 


cc fcO 

cS C 

U5 -! 
t/3 O 


2 2 05 



























-^ C C to 

= rt 

CO T* 

C. bO 

c 3 

4- C -G 

2 ^ 


T3 O 


T3 * 

c u 

5 J 

d y 


ull Hun 


and political idea, now stood where there had been but one the 
North, with its powerful industrial organization and wealth; 
the South, with its rich agricultural empire. Both were call 
ing upon the valor of their sons. 

At the nation s capital all was confusion and disorder. 
The tramp of infantry and the galloping of horsemen through 
the streets could be heard day and night. Throughout the 
country anxiety and uncertainty reigned on all sides. Wtiuld 
the South return to its allegiance, would the Union be divided, 
or would there be war? The religious world called unto the 
heavens in earnest prayer for peace; but the rushing torrent 
of events swept on toward war, to dreadful internecine war. 

The first call of the President for troops, for seventy-five 
thousand men, was answered with surprising alacrity. Citi 
zens left their farms, their workshops, their counting rooms, 
and hurried to the nation s capital to take up arms in defense 
of the Union. A similar call by the Southern President was 
answered with equal eagerness. Each side believed itself in 
the right. Both were profoundly sincere and deeply in earnest. 
Both have won the respect of history. 

After the fall of Fort Sumter, the two sides spent the 
spring months marshaling their forces for the fierce conflict 
that was to follow. President Lincoln had called for three- 
months volunteers ; at the beginning of July some thirty thou 
sand of these men were encamped along the Potomac about 
the heights of Arlington. As the weeks passed, the great 
Northern public grew impatient at the inaction and demanded 
that Sumter be avenged, that a blow be struck for the Union. 

The " call to arms " rang through the nation and aroused 
the people. No less earnest was the feeling of the South, and 
soon two formidable armies were arrayed against each other, 
only a hundred miles apart at Washington and at Richmond. 

The commander of the United States Army was Lieut.- 
General Winfield Scott, whose military career had begun be 
fore most of the men of 61 had been born. Aged and infirm, 

Copyright by Review of Renews Co. 


Born in New Orleans on May 28, 1818, the Southern leader upon whom at 
first all eyes were turned, Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard, was gradu 
ated from the U. S. Military Academy in 1838. Gallant and dashing, he 
won the brevets of Captain and Major in the war with Mexico and was 
wounded at Chapultepec. Early in 61 he resigned from the army, and 
joined the Confederacy, being in command of the Confederate forces in the 
firing on Fort Sumter in April. Owing to his forceful personality, he became 
a popular and noted leader in the Confederacy. After the Union defeat at 
Manassas, he was looked upon as the coming Napoleon. He was confirmed as 
Major-General in the Confederate army on July 30, 1861, but he had held the 
provisional rank of Brigadier-General since February 20th, before a shot was 
fired. After his promotion to Major-General, he commanded the Army of 
the Mississippi under General A. S. Johnston, whom he succeeded at Shiloh. 
He defended Charleston, S. C., in 1862-3 and afterward commanded the De 
partment of North Carolina and Southeastern Virginia. He died at New 
Orleans in 1893. 

ull Sim 



he remained in Washington. The immediate command of the 
army was entrusted to Brigadier-General Irvin McDowell. 

Another Union army, twenty thousand strong, lay at 
Martinsburg, Virginia, under the command of Major-General 
Patterson, who, like General Scott, was a veteran of the War 
of 1812 and of the Mexican War. 

Opposite McDowell, at Manassas Junction, about thirty 
miles from Washington, lay a Confederate army under Brig 
adier-General Beauregard who, three months before, had won 
the homage of the South by reducing Fort Sumter. Opposed 
to Patterson in the Shenandoah valley was Joseph E. John 
ston with a force of nine thousand men. The plans of the 
President and General Scott were to send McDowell against 
Beauregard, while Patterson was to detain Johnston in the 
Valley and prevent him from joining Beauregard. It was con 
fidently believed that, if the two Confederate forces could be 
kept apart, the " Grand Army " could win a signal victory over 
the force at Manassas; and on July 16th, with waving banners 
arid lively hopes of victory, amid the cheers of the multitude, it 
moved out from the banks of the Potomac toward the interior 
of Virginia. It was a motley crowd, dressed in the varied 
uniforms of the different State militias. The best disciplined 
troops were those of the regular army, represented by infan 
try, cavalry, and artillery. Even the navy was drawn upon 
and a battalion of marines was included in the Union forces. 
In addition to the regulars were volunteers from all the New 
England States, from New York and Pennsylvania and from 
Ohio, Michigan, and Minnesota, organizations which, in an 
swer to the President s call for troops, had volunteered for 
three months service. Many were boys in their teens with 
the fresh glow of youth on their cheeks, wholly ignorant of 
the exhilaration, the fear, the horrors of the battle-field. On 
ward through the Virginia plains and uplands they marched to 
the strains of martial music. Unused to the rigid discipline 
of war, many of the men would drop out of line to gather 




The First Minnesota, a regiment that fought in the flanking column at Bull Run. On April 14, 1861, the 
day after Sumter s surrender, the Federal Government received an offer of a volunteer regiment from Minne 
sota, and on April 29, the First Minnesota was mustered into service by Lieutenant W. W. Sanders, U. S. A. 
Under Colonel William O. Gorman the regiment proceeded to Washington in June and, attached to Frank 
lin s Brigade, Heintzelman s Division of McDowell s Army, at Bull Run gave an excellent account of itself, 
finally retiring from the field in good order. A record for conspicuous bravery was sustained by the First 
Minnesota throughout the war, notably its famous charge on the field of Gettysburg, July 2, 1863. 

The photograph was taken just before the regiment left Fort Snelling in 1861. In the front line the first from the left is Lieut. Colonel 
Stephen Miller, the next is Colonel Gorman. On his left hand is Major Dyke and next to him is Adjutant W. B. Leach. Between 
the last two and behind them is Captain William Colvill, while at the left hand of Adjutant Leach is Captain Mark Downie. At 
the extreme right of the picture stands General J. B. Sanborn with Lieutenant Sanders (mustering officer) on his right hand, and 
on Sanders ri^ht is the Honorable Morton S. Wilkinson. Colvill, as Colonel, led the regiment in its Gettysburg charge. 


berries or tempting fruits along the roadside, or to refill their 
canteens at every fresh stream of water, and frequent halts 
were necessary to allow the stragglers to regain their lines. 

After a two days march, with " On to Richmond " as 
their battle-cry, the army halted at the quiet hamlet of Centre- 
ville, twenty-seven miles from Washington and seven miles 
from Manassas Junction where lay the waiting Confederate 
army of similar composition untrained men and boys. Men 
from Virginia, from North and South Carolina, from the 
mountains of Tennessee, from Alabama, Mississippi, and 
Georgia, even from distant Arkansas, had gathered on the soil 
of the Old Dominion State to do battle for the Southern cause. 
Between the two armies flowed the stream of Bull Run, destined 
to give its name to the first great battle of the impending con 
flict. The opposing commanders, McDowell and Beauregard, 
had been long-time friends ; twenty-three years before, they had 
been graduated in the same class at West Point. 

Beauregard knew of the coming of the Federal army. 
The news had been conveyed to him by a young man, a former 
government clerk at Washington, whose sympathies, however, 
lay with the cause of the South. He won the confidence of 
Beauregard. The latter sent him to the capital city bearing 
a paper with two words in cipher, " Trust Bearer." With this 
he was to call at a certain house, present it to the lady within, 
and wait a reply. Traveling all night, he crossed the Potomac 
below Alexandria, and reached the city at dawn, when the 
newsboys were calling out in the empty streets the latest intel 
ligence of the army. The messenger rang the doorbell at a 
house within a stone s throw of the White House and delivered 
the scrap of paper to the only one in the city to whom it was 
intelligible. She hurriedly gave the youth his breakfast, wrote 
in cipher the words, " Order issued for McDowell to march 
upon Manassas to-night," and giving him the scrap of paper, 
sent him on his way. That night the momentous bit of news 
was in the hands of General Beauregard. He instantly wired 



Mrs. Rose O Neal Greenhow, a zealous and trusted friend of the Confederacy, lived in Washington at the opening of the war. It was 
she who, on July 16, 1861, sent the famous cipher message to Beauregard, "Order issued for McDowell to move on Manassas to-night." 
Acting on this, Beauregard promptly arranged his army for the expected attack, while Johnston and "Stonewall" Jackson hastened from 
the Valley to aid in repelling the Federal advance. Mrs. Greenhow s secret-service work was cut short on August 2Gth, when Allan 
Pinkerton, the Federal detective, arrested her and put her under military guard at her home, 398 Sixteenth Street. Afterward she was 
transferred to the Old Capitol Prison. She remained there until April, 1862. On June 2d, after pledging her word not to come north of 
the Potomac until the war was over, Mrs. Greenhow was escorted beyond the lines of the L nion army and set at liberty. It was later 
discovered that she had, even while in prison, c^ -responded extensively with Colonel Thomas Jordan, of General Beauregard s staff. 

nil Sun 




President Davis at Richmond and asked that he be reenforced 
by Johnston s army. 

As we have seen, General Scott had arranged that 
Patterson detain Johnston in the Valley. He had even ad 
vised McDowell that " if Johnston joins Beauregard he shall 
have Patterson on his heels." But the aged Patterson was 
unequal to the task before him. Believing false reports, he 
was convinced that Johnston had an army of thirty-five thou 
sand men, and instead of marching upon Johnston at Win 
chester he led his army to Chaiiestown, twenty miles in the 
opposite direction. Johnston thereupon was free to join Beau- 
regard at Manassas, and he promptly proceeded to do so. 

McDowell s eager troops had rested at Centreville for 
two days. The time for them to test their mettle in a general 
engagement was at hand. Sunday, July 21st, was selected as 
the day on which to offer battle. At half -past two in the 
morning the sleeping men were roused for the coming conflict. 
Their dream of an easy victory had already received a rude 
shock, for on the day after their arrival a skirmish between 
two minor divisions of the opposing armies had resulted in 
the retreat of the Union forces after nineteen of their number 
lay dead upon the plain. The Confederates, too, had suffered 
and fifteen of their army were killed. But patriotic enthusiasm 
was too ardent to be quenched by such an incident, and eagerly, 
in the early dawn of the sultry July morning, they marched 
toward the banks of the stream on which they were to offer 
their lives in the cause of their country. 

The army moved out in three divisions commanded by 
Generals Daniel Tyler, David Hunter, and S. P. Heintzel- 
man. Among the subordinate officers was Ambrose E. Burn- 
side, who, a year and five months later, was to figure in a far 
greater and far more disastrous battle, not many miles from 
this same spot; and William T. Sherman, who was to achieve 
a greater renown in the coming war. 

On the Southern side we find equally striking characters. 



ull Hun ofy? 

Jar? Jfftr? 


General Joseph E. Johnston was not held by Patterson in 
the Valley and with a portion of his army had reached 
Manassas on the afternoon of the 20th. In the Indian wars of 
Jackson s time Johnston had served his country; like Mc 
Dowell and Beauregard, he had battled at the gates of Mexico ; 
and like the latter he chose to cast his lot with the fortunes of 
the South. There, too, was Longstreet, who after the war was 
over, was to spend many years in the service of the country he 
was now seeking to divide. Most striking of all was " Stone 
wall " Jackson, whose brilliant military career was to astonish 
the world. 

The Union plan for this fateful July day was that Tyler 
should lead his division westward by way of the Warrenton 
turnpike to a stone bridge that crossed Bull Run, about four 
miles from Centreville. At the same time the main army 
under Hunter and Heintzelman was to make a detour of sev 
eral miles northward through a dense forest to a ford of Bull 
Run, known as Sudley s Ford. Here they were to cross the 
stream, march down its right bank and, while Tyler guarded 
the Stone Bridge, engage the foe on the west side of Bull 
Run. The plan of the battle w r as admirably drawn, but the 
march around to Sudley s Ford was slower than had been 
expected, and it w y as ten o clock before the main army reached 
the point west of the Stone Bridge. While the Federals were 
making their plans to attack the Confederate left wing, Gen 
erals Beauregard and Johnston were planning an aggressive 
movement against the left wing of the Federal army. They 
were to cross Bull Run by fords several miles below the Stone 
Bridge and attack the Northern troops on the weaker wing 
of the Union force in an effort to rout them before relief could 
be sent from the Federal right. The Confederate attack was 
planned to take place a few hours later than McDowell had 
decided to move. The Southern troops were preparing to 
cross the stream when the boom of cannon at the Stone Bridge 
told that the Federals had taken the aggressive and that the 





The faces of these untried soldiers from New Jersey and Vermont show the enthusiasm with which men flocked from every state to form 
an army for the Union. Nor was that enthusiasm chilled by the long tedious unfamiliar beating into shape that McClellan was giving 
them in 61. W ar s tedious rudiments had to be learned, but when the time came for fighting, fighting qualities were not lacking and our 
citizen soldiers gave an account of themselves that startled the world. The Green Mountain Boys that first came to Washington were 
among the troops that made the first warlike move from the city to extend the Federal lines into Virginia. It was on these advanced 
defences of the Capital that a Green Mountain Boy was found one night asleep on post. His life was forfeit, but the great heart of 
Father Abraham interposed. Lincoln knew the stuff of which these country lads were made, and this one a few months later on the 
battlefield nobly laid down the life he owed to his Commander-in-Chief. Vermont was lavish of her sons and sent 35,262, nearly 60 per 
cent, of her male population between the ages of 18 and 45, to the nation s aid. The State of New Jersey sent 76,814 men, 61.2 per cent, 
of her military population. The first raw New Jersey soldiers in Washington were among the troops that occupied Arlington Heights, 
one of the advance positions in the defences. About one-eighth of New Jersey s troops laid down their lives for their country, while 
nearly one-fourth of the Vermonters that went to the War never returned. 


nil Him Ij 

weak Confederate left was in danger of being overwhelmed 
by the superior numbers of the Union right wing. Orders 
countermanding the command to attack were quickly sent to 
the Southerners at the lower fords, and preparations were hur 
riedly made to repulse the attack of the Northern force. 

Tyler reached the Stone Bridge before six in the morning 
and opened fire on a Confederate force under Colonel Evans 
on the other side of the run. For some time this was kept up, 
and Evans was much puzzled that the Federals did not at 
tempt to cross the bridge ; they merely kept up a desultory fire. 
The failure of the Union troops to advance led Evans to be 
lieve that Tyler s attack was only a feint and that the real 
attacking force would approach from some other direction. 
This belief was confirmed when he descried a lengthening line 
of dust above the tree-tops far in the distance, north of the 
Warrenton turnpike. Evans was now convinced (and he was 
right) that the main Union army was marching to Sudley s 
Ford, three miles above the Stone Bridge, and would reach the 
field from that direction. Quickly then he turned about with 
six companies of brave South Carolinians and a battalion of 
" Louisiana Tigers " and posted them on a plateau overlook 
ing the valley of Young s Branch, a small tributary of Bull 
Run. Here, not far from the Matthews and Carter houses, 
he awaited the coming of the Federals. 

His force was stationed overlooking the Sudley and New 
market road and an open field through which the Federal 
troops would be forced to pass to reach the higher ground 
held by the Confederates. Two 6-pound howitzers were 
placed to sweep the field of approach, one at each end of 
Evans line of defense. 

With guns loaded, and howitzers ready to pour their 
charges into an advancing force, the Southerners stood and 
watched the line of dust that arose above the trees. It moved 
slowly to the westward. Then, where the Sudley road turns 
to the southward to cross the Sudley Ford, it followed the 



Stone Church, Centreville, Virginia. Past this little stone church on the night of July 20, 1861, and long into the morning of the twenty- 
first marched lines of hurrying troops. Their blue uniforms were new, their muskets bright and polished, and though some faces were 
pale their spirits were elated, for after their short training they were going to take part, for the first time, in the great game of war. It 
was the first move of the citizen soldier of the North toward actual conflict. Not one knew exactly what lay before him. The men 
were mostly from New England and the Middle States. They had left desk and shop and farm and forge, and with the thought in 
their minds that the war would last for three months the majority had been mustered in. Only the very wise and farseeing had prophe 
sied the immensity of the struggle, and these were regarded as extremists. Their ideas were laughed at. So on they went in long lines 
down the road in the darkness of the night, chattering, laughing and talking carelessly, hardly realizing in the contagion of their patri 
otic ardor the grim meaning of real war. The battle had been well planned, but who had had the experience, even among the leaders, 
to be sure of the details and the absolute carrying out of orders? With the exception of the veterans of the Mexican War, who were 
regulars, there was not one who had ever maneuvered a thousand men in the field. A lesson lay before them and it was soon to come. 
The surprising battle that opened early in the morning, and whose results spread such consternation through the North, was really 
the result of popular clamor. The press and the politicians demanded action, and throughout the South the same confident and reck 
less spirit prevailed, the same urging to see something done. 

nil SUm 


trend of the highway. It reached the crossing of Bull Run, 
and the line of dust faded as the Federals spread into battle- 
line behind the expanse of woodland that hid each column from 
the other s view. 

It was nearing ten o clock. The rays of the summer sun 
were beating in sweltering heat upon the waiting troops. 
Those who could find shelter beneath the trees moved from 
their places into the shade. Heavy banks of storm clouds 
were gathering on the horizon, giving promise of relief from 
oppressive warmth. A silence settled over the ranks of the 
Confederates as they watched the edge of the woodland for 
the first appearance of the approaching troops. 

Suddenly there was a glimmer of the sunlight reflected 
from burnished steel among the trees. Then, in open battle 
array, the Federal advance guard, under the command of 
Colonel Burnside, emerged from the wood on a neighboring 
hill, and for the first time in the nation s history two hostile 
American armies faced each other in battle array. At Fort 
Sumter only the stone walls had suffered ; not a drop of human 
blood was shed. But here was to be a gigantic conflict, and 
thousands of people believed that here on this field on this day 
would be- decided the fate of the Union and the fate of the 
Confederacy. The whole country awaited in breathless ex 
pectancy the news of this initial conflict, to become known as 
the battle of Bull Run. 

With little delay the battle opened. The Federals had a 
clear advantage in numbers as their outlying forces came up; 
but they met with a brave resistance. General Bee, of South 
Carolina, with two brigades, crossed a valley to the south of 
Evans in the face of a heavy artillery fire to a point within one 
hundred yards of the Federal lines. At this short range thou 
sands of shots were fired and many brave men and boys were 
stretched upon the green. The outcome at this point was un 
certain until the Union forces were joined by Heintzelman 
with heavy reenforcements and by Sherman with a portion of 


Robinson House, Bull Run. "Stonewall" Jackson won his name near this house early in the afternoon of July 21st. Meeting 
General Bee s troops retreating in increasing disorder, he advanced with a battery to the ridge behind the Robinson House and held 
the position until Bee s troops had rallied in his rear. "Look at Jackson standing there like a stone wall," was the sentence that gave 
birth to his historic nickname. It was General Bee who uttered these words, just before he fell, adding, "Rally on the Virginians." 


Center of Battle of Morning July 21, 1861. North of this house, about a mile, the Confederate Colonel Evans met the columns of 
Burnside and Porter in their advance south from Sudley Ford. Though reinforced by General Bee, he was driven back at noon to this 
house in the valley near Young s Branch. Here a vigorous Union charge swept the whole battle to the hill south of the stream. General 
Bee sent for reinforcements, saying that unless he could be supported "all was lost." 

ull ffiiwt 



Tyler s division. Bee could now do nothing but withdraw, 
and in doing so his men fell into great disorder. Cheer after 
cheer arose from the ranks of the Union army. 

Meanwhile, Generals Beauregard and Johnston had re 
mained at the right of their line, near Manassas, nearly four 
miles from the scene of action, still determined to press their 
attack on the Federal left if the opportunity was offered. As 
the morning passed and the sounds of conflict became louder 
and extended further to the westward, it became evident to the 
Confederate leaders that the Federals were massing all their 
strength in an effort to crush the left of the Southern army. 
Plans for an aggressive movement were then abandoned, the 
commanders withdrawing all their reserve forces from the 
positions where they had been held to follow up the Confed 
erate attack, and sending them to the support of the small 
force that was holding back the Federals. After dispatching 
troops to threaten the Union left, Johnston and Beauregard 
galloped at full speed to the scene of the battle. They 
arrived about noon at the moment when Bee s brigade was 
fleeing across the valley from the hail of Federal bullets. As 
the frightened men were running in the utmost disorder, 
General Bee, seeing Thomas J. Jackson s brigade calmly 
waiting the onset, exclaimed to his men, "Look at Jackson; 
there he stands like a stone wall! " The expression spread to 
the army and to the world, and that invincible soldier has since 
been known as " Stonewall " Jackson. 

Beauregard and Johnston found it a herculean task to 
rally the fleeing men and re-form the lines, but they succeeded 
at length; the battle was renewed, and from noon till nearly 
three o clock it raged with greater fury than before. The fight 
was chiefly for the possession of the plateau called the Henry 
hill. Up and down the slopes the two armies surged in the 
broiling sun. Beauregard, like McDowell on the other side, 
led his men in the thickest of the fight. A bursting shell killed 
his horse under him and tore the heel from his boot ; he mounted 




Inside Castle Pinckney, Charleston Harbor, August, 1861. In 
these hitherto unpublished Confederate photographs we see one of 
the earliest volunteer military organizations of South Carolina and 
some of the first Federal prisoners taken in the war. The 
Charleston Zouave Cadets were 
organized in the summer of 
1860, and were recruited from 
among the patriotic young men 
of Charleston. We see in the 
picture how very young they 
were. The company first went 
into active service on Morris 
Island, January 1, 1861, and 
was there on the 9th when the 
guns of the battery turned 
back the Star of the West ar 
riving with reinforcements for 
Sumter. The company was also 
stationed on Sullivan s Island 
during the bombardment of 
Sumter, April 12-13, 1861. Af 
ter the first fateful clash at Bull 
Run, July 21, 1861, had taught 
the North that the war was on 
in earnest, a number of Federal 
prisoners were brought to 
Charleston and placed for safe- 


keeping in Castle Pinckney, then garrisoned by the Charleston 
Zouave Cadets. To break the monotony of guard duty 
Captain Chichester, some time in August, engaged a photog 
rapher to take some pictures about the fort showing his 
men. Gray uniforms with red stripes, red fatigue caps, and 
white cross belts were a novelty. The casemates of the fort 
had been fitted up with bunks and doors as sleeping quarters 

for the prisoners. Casemate No. 1 was occupied by prisoners 
from the llth New York Zouaves, who had been recruited almost 
entirely from the New York Fire Department. The smaller 
picture is a nearer view of their quarters, over which they have 

placed the sign " Hotel de 
Zouave." We see them still 
wearing the uniform of the bat 
tlefield: wide dark-blue trousers 
with socks covering the bot 
toms, red flannel shirts with the 
silver badge of the New York 
Fire Department, blue jackets 
elaborately trimmed with braid, 
red fez caps with blue tassels, 
and a blue sash around the 
waist. Their regiment, the fa 
mous " Ellsworth s Zouaves," 
was posted at Bull Run as a 
support for Pickett s and Griffin s 
Batteries during the fierce 
fighting of the afternoon on the 
Henry House hill. They gave 
way before the charge of the 
Confederates, leaving 48 dead 
and 75 wounded on the field. 
About 65 of them were taken 
prisoners, some of whom we see 

here a month after the battle. The following October the 
prisoners were exchanged. At the beginning of the war the 
possession of prisoners did not mean as much to the South as 
it did later in the struggle, when exchanges became almost 
the last resource for recruiting the dwindling ranks. Almost 
every Southerner capable of bearing arms bad already joined 
the colors. 

nil Stun 

about sixteen hundred in number, were subject to the orders 
of their superiors, and they made a brave stand against the 
oncoming foe while they covered the retreat of the disorganized 
mass. On the Henry hill were the two powerful batteries 
of Griffin and Ricketts. They had done most valiant service 
while the tide of battle ebbed and flowed. But at last their 
hour had come. A Confederate regiment, dashing from a 
neighboring hill, poured in a deadly volley, cut down the 
cannoneers almost to a man, killed their horses, and cap 
tured the guns. A few minutes later General Beauregard 
rode up to the spot and noticed Captain Ricketts lying on the 
ground, desperately wounded. The two men had been friends 
in the years gone by. Beauregard, recognizing his old friend, 
asked him if he could be of any service. He then sent his own 
surgeons to care for the wounded captain and detailed one of 
his staff to make him comfortable when he was carried to Rich 
mond as a prisoner of war. 

There is little more to relate of the battle of Bull Run. 
In his report McDow r ell stated that after providing for the 
protection of the retreat from the battlefield by Porter s and 
Blenker s volunteer brigades, he took command in person of 
the force previously stationed for holding the road back to 
Centre ville and made such disposition " as would best serve 
to check the enemy," at the Centreville ridge. Some hun 
dreds of civilians, members of Congress and others, had come 
out from Washington to witness a victory for the Grand Army, 
and they saw that army scattered in wild flight to escape an 
imaginary pursuer. The Confederates made no serious effort 
to follow after them, for the routed Federals had destroyed the 
Stone Bridge as they passed it in their retreat, and had ob 
structed the other avenues of pursuit. As darkness settled over 
the field the Confederates returned to their camps. 

McDowell made a desperate effort to check and reor 
ganize his army at Centreville, but he was powerless. The 
troops refused to listen to any commands ; they rushed on and 















5 c 

13 "K 

d o 

3 O 

B . 

d o _2 

* i O Cd 

r^ ^3 

T 1 

d - 



T "a 

i f 

-d d 





5 6P 


: I 1 



S *tt *T3 

a -g 

o - 

^ c w 


S B I " 1 1 

^ J a <- -5 

O C OJ C ,f ** 

S ^ "" o 3 

S - "= 2 CX 

T? n " ? 

jj a p ^ 



a .2 B 

d "H 

Eb w Ss "g 
9* ^> 1? fi 

w a s 

^ d 3 2 l i 

*-> o oj Ts o> S 

rt ^ J ^ WD - 

, -S * -r * 

w v J 

o ""-** " 


& J 

2 II 

J- T3 

O - O 

^ *-> r 

S g 2:== 

* 2 a " 

<u c 

c3 . 

-C cS 

g a 

tn --. 

S 1! 

t/3 > 
C3 !> 


s| . S 

a-o to -S 
|1 S * 

8 g s -s 

. ? i- rd 

^ a 

I I KM e3 V 

d 3 o 

2 J-S 

a .a r*-5 ft 

"O -B I .SP J3 

- 3 c3 0) c8 

^ S 1 S? -^ 

S tg " 


0) c8 *> 

^ rt . a, ^ -I d 

53 w >FM ^ ^j g^ 

| | | < -5 -* -S 

tO ^Q d c3 "^ "^ 

<-i *3 o 

73 ^ 

>> O ^H 

^ ^ ~ 

>2 i -1 a 

ull Hun 


great numbers of them traveled all night, reaching Wash 
ington in the morning. 

These raw troops had now received their first baptism 
of blood and fire. Nearly five hundred of their number were 
left dead on the field of battle, and fourteen hundred were 
wounded. The captured and missing brought the Federal 
loss to nearly three thousand men. The Confederate loss in 
killed, wounded, and missing was less than two thousand. The 
Federal forces engaged were nearly nineteen thousand, while 
the Confederates had more than eighteen thousand men on the 

The Confederate victory at Bull Run did the South great 
injury in that it led vast numbers to believe the war was over 
and that the South had won. Many soldiers went home in 
this belief, and for months thereafter it was not easy to recruit 
the Southern armies. The North, on the other hand, was 
taught a needed lesson was awakened to a sense of the mag 
nitude of the task before it. 

The first great battle of the American Civil War brought 
joy to the Confederacy and grief to the States of the North. 
As the Federal troops marched into Washington through a 
drenching downpour of rain, on July 22d, the North was 
shrouded in gloom. But the defeated army had not lost its 
courage. The remnants of the shattered forces were gathered, 
and from the fragments a mightier host was to be rallied under 
the Stars and Stripes to meet the now victorious foe on future 

Painted by Paul Wilhelmi. 


Copyright, 11,01, by Perrien-Keydel Co., 
Detroit, Mich., U. S. A. 


By this brilliant and important victory Grant s fame sprang sud 
denly into full and universal recognition. President Lincoln nominated 
him major-general of volunteers, and the Senate at once confirmed the 
appointment. The whole military service felt the inspiriting event. 
Xicolay and Hay, in " Life of Lincoln" 

THE grasp of a great section of western Kentucky and 
Tennessee by the Northern armies, the capture of a 
stronghold that was thought impregnable, the forced surrender 
of a great army, and the bringing into public notice of a new 
commander who was destined to outshine all his fellows 
these were the achievements of the short, vigorous campaign 
of Fort Donelson. 

There were two great battle-grounds of the Civil War, 
nearly a thousand miles apart Virginia and the valley of 
the great river that divides the continent and the two defi 
nite objects of the* Northern armies during the first half of 
the war period were to capture Richmond and to open the 
Mississippi. All other movements and engagements were 
subordinate to the dramas of these two great theaters, inci 
dental and contributory. The South, on the other hand, 
except for the early threatening of Washington, the Get 
tysburg campaign, the raid of Morgan in Ohio, and the 
expeditions of Bragg and Hood into Kentucky and Ten 
nessee, was on the defensive from the beginning of the war 
to the end. 

In the East after the initial engagement at Bull Run 
" all was quiet along the Potomac " for some months. Mc- 
Clellan had loomed large as the rising hero of the war; but 
McClellan did not move with the celerity that was expected 
of him; the North became impatient and demanded that 



<! I 





something be done. But while the public was still waiting there 
were two occurrences in the West that riveted the attention 
of the nation, sending a thrill of gladness through the North 
and a wave of depression over the Southland. These were the 
fall of Fort Henry and of Fort Donelson. 

After Missouri had been saved to the Union in spite of 
the disaster at Wilson s Creek in August, 1861, a Union army 
slowly gathered in southern Illinois. Its purpose was to dis 
pute with the Confederates their hold on Kentucky, which had 
not seceded, and to regain control of the Mississippi. To 
secure the latter end a flank movement was decided upon to 
open the mighty river by moving up the Cumberland and 
Tennessee the greatest flanking movement in the history of 
warfare. It began at Fort Henry and ended at Vicksburg, 
covered a year and five months, and cost tens of thousands of 
human lives and millions of dollars worth of property but it 
was successful. 

Eastern Kentucky, in the early days of 1862, was also 
in considerable ferment. Colonel James A. Garfield had 
driven the Confederate commander, General Humphrey Mar 
shall, and a superior force into the Cumberland Mountains, 
after a series of slight encounters, terminating at Paintsville 
on the Big Sandy River, on January 10th. But one later 
event gave great encouragement to the North. It was the first 
substantial victory for the Union arms. General Zollicoffer 
held the extreme Confederate right at Cumberland Gap and 
he now joined General George B. Crittenden near Mill 
Springs in central Kentucky. General Buell, in charge of the 
Army of the Ohio, had placed General George H. Thomas 
at Lebanon, and the latter promptly moved against this threat 
ening Confederate force. A sharp engagement took place at 
Logan s Cross Roads near Mill Springs on January 19th. The 
Confederate army was utterly routed and Zollicoffer was 
killed. The Union loss was about two hundred and sixty, and 
the Confederate over twice that number. It was not a great 



Few will recognize in this early and 
unusual photograph the man who at 
Appomattox, wore plain fatigue dress 
in striking contrast with the fully 
uniformed Lee. Here Grant appears in 
his full-dress Brigadier-General s uni 
form as he came to Cairo to assume 
command of a military district includ 
ing southern Illinois, September 4, 
1861. Grasping at once the problems 
of his new post he began the work 
of reorganization, assisted by a well- 
chosen staff. Without waiting for per 
mission from Fremont, his immediate 
superior, Commander of the Department 
of the West, Grant pushed forward a 



force and occupied Paducah, Kentucky, 
before the Confederates, approach 
ing with the same purpose, could arrive. 
Grant was impatient to drive back the 
Confederate lines in Kentucky and 
Tennessee and began early to importune. 
Washington to be allowed to carry out 
maneuvers. His keen judgment con 
vinced him that these must quickly be 
made in order to secure the advantage 
in this outlying arena of the war. 
Captain Rawlins was made Assistant 
Adjutant-General by Grant, and lifted 
from his shoulders much of the routine 
of the post. Captain Lagow and Cap 
tain Hillyer were two of the General s 
aides-de-camp. Dr. James Simons was 
Medical Director of the District. 



Jail 0f 

mtfo Sfart i0nel00n 


battle, but its effect on the North was most stimulating, and 
the people first learned to appreciate the abilities of their great 
general, George H. Thomas. 

It was now February, 1862. General U. S. Grant was 
in command of the Union forces in western Kentucky and 
Tennessee. The opposing commander was Albert Sidney 
Johnston, then reputed the ablest general of the South. At 
Bowling Green, Kentucky, he had thirty thousand men. Be 
lieving, perhaps, that he could not hold Kentucky, he deter 
mined to save Tennessee for the South and took his stand at 

On February 2d, 1862, General Grant left Cairo with 
his army of seventeen thousand men and on transports moved 
up the Ohio and the Tennessee to attack Fort Henry. Ac 
companying him was Flag-Officer Foote with his fleet of seven 
gunboats, four of them ironclads. 

Fort Henry was garrisoned by an army of about three 
thousand men under the command of General Lloyd Tilghman, 
a brave officer who was destined to give his life for the Confed 
erate cause, the following year, near Vicksburg. It covered 
about three acres and mounted seventeen heavy guns. Grant s 
plan of attack was to land his army four miles below the fort, 
to move across the country and seize the road leading to Fort 
Donelson, while Foote should move up the river with his fleet 
and turn his guns on the Confederate batteries. 

On February 6th, Foote formed his vessels into two lines, 
the ironclads the Cincinnati., the Carondelet, the Essex, and 
the St. Louis forming a front rank. Slowly and cautiously 
he approached the fort, firing as he went, the guns on the 
parapet answering those of the fleet. Several of the Confed 
erate guns were disabled. The fleet was yet unhurt when the 
first hour had passed. Then a 24-pound shot struck the Essex, 
crashed through her side and penetrated her boiler, instantly 
killing both her pilots and flooding the vessel from stem to 
stern with scalding steam. The Essex, wholly disabled, drifted 

^is ^u 


m $ 

TO ^ 


With his hands thrust in his pockets stands General Grant, next to General McClernand, who is directly in front of the pillar of the 
Cairo post-office. The future military leader had yet his great name to make, for the photograph of this gathering was taken in Sep 
tember, 1861, and when, later, the whole world was ringing with his praises the citizens who chanced to be in the group must have 
recalled that day with pride. Young Al Sloo, the postmaster s son, leans against the doorway on Grant s right, and next to him is 
Bob Jennings; then comes Dr. Taggart, then Thomas, the mason, and Jaques, the butcher. On the extreme right, facin? the camera, 
is young Bill Thomas. Up in the windows sit George Olmstead and Will Smith. In his shirt sleeves, on General McCI -nd s left, 
is C. C. Davidson. In the group about him are Benjamin Munn, Fred Theobold, John Maxey, and Phil. Howard. >s these 

men told their children of the morning that Grant left his headquarters at the St. Charles Hotel and met them here. Wh. 

0f Jfart 3f wry mtft Sfart 


down stream, while her companion ships continued their ad 
vance and increased their fire. 

Presently, a sound exceeding the roar of cannon was heard 
above the tumult. A great gun in the fort had exploded, 
killing or disabling every man who served it. A great 10-inch 
columbiad was also destroyed. Tilghman, seeing that he had 
no hope of holding the fort, decided to save his army by send 
ing it to Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River. This he 
did, reserving fewer than a hundred men to work the guns. 
He then raised the white flag and surrendered the seventy- 
eight that remained. Grant had failed to reach the road to 
Fort Donelson until the Confederates had escaped. The 
Southerners hastened across the country and added their num 
bers to the defenders of Donelson and by so doing they de 
ferred surrender for ten days. 

Fort Donelson was a fortified enclosure of a hundred 
acres that crowded a plateau on the Cumberland River. It 
was just south of the boundary between Kentucky and Tennes 
see and close by the little* village of Dover, consisting of a 
court-house, a two-story tavern, and a few houses scattered 
about. Beneath the bluff and on the river bank were two 
powerful batteries commanding the approach to the river. 
Outside the fort and stretching far along the ridges that en 
closed it were rifle-pits, lines of logs covered with yellow clay. 
Farther beyond, the hillsides were covered with felled trees 
whose interlacing branches were supposed to render the ap 
proach of the foe impossible under fire. 

At this moment Donelson was held by eighteen thousand 
men under the command of General John B. Floyd, late Sec 
retary of War in the cabinet of Buchanan. Next to him were 
Gideon J. Pillow and Simon B. Buckner. The Union army 
under Grant was divided into three parts under the respective 
commands of Charles F. Smith, a veteran of the regular army; . 
John A. McClernand, an Illinois lawyer and member of Con 
gress, and Lew Wallace, the future author of " Ben Hur." 


The thousand-ton ironclad Essex received 
the severest punishment at Fort Henry. 
Fighting blood surged in the veins of Com 
mander \V. D. Porter, son of Admiral 
David Porter and brother of Admiral 
David D. Porter. The gunboat which 
he led into action at Fort Henry was 
named after the famous Essex which his 1 
father commanded in the War of 1812. 
Fifteen of the shots from Fort Henry 
struck and told upon the Essex, the last 
one penetrating her armor and piercing 
her middle boiler. Commander Porter, 
standing among his men directing the fight, 
was terribly scalded by the escaping steam, 


as were twenty-seven others. Wrong 
ly suspected of disloyalty at the outbreak 
of the war, Commander Porter s conduct 
during the struggle gave the lie to such 
calumny. He recovered after Fort Henry, 
and was made Commodore in July, 1862. 
Again in command of the Essex he at 
tempted unsuccessfully to destroy the 
dread Confederate ram Arkansas at Vicks- 
burg on July 22d. Porter and the Essex 
then joined Farragut s fleet. His shells 
helped the Union forces to repulse the 
Confederates at Baton Rouge, August 5th, 
and he witnessed the blowing up of the 
Arkansas the following day. He died 
May 1, 1864. 



With waving banners the divisions of Smith and McCler- 
nand marched across country on February 12th, arriving at 
noon and encircling the doomed fort ere nightfall. Smith was 
stationed on the left and McClernand on the extreme right, 
near the village of Dover. This left an open space in the 
center, to be filled by Lew Wallace, who arrived with his divi 
sion the next day. On the 13th there was a continuous bom 
bardment from morning till night, punctuated by the sharp 
crack of the sharpshooter s rifle. 

The chief action of the day that involved the infantry was 
an attempt to capture a battery on a hill, near the center of 
the Confederate line of battle, known as Maney s Battery, 
commanded by Captain Maney, of Tennessee. This bat 
tery had annoyed McClernand greatly, and he delegated his 
third brigade to capture it. The charge was led by Colonel 
Morrison of Illinois, and a braver one never was made through 
out the whole period of the war. The men who made it were 
chiefly youths from the farms and workshops of Illinois. With 
no apparent thought of danger they sallied forth, determined 
at all hazards to capture the battery on the hill, which stood out 
in relief against the sky. As they ran up the hill, firing as 
they went, their numbers were rapidly thinned by the terrific 
cross-fire from this battery and two others on adjoining hills. 
Still the survivors pushed on and their deadly fire thinned the 
ranks of the men at the battery. At length when they came 
within forty yards of the goal a long line of Confederate mus 
ketry beside the battery suddenly burst into flame and a storm 
of bullets cut down the brave boys of Illinois, with fearful 
slaughter. Even then they stood for fifteen minutes, return 
ing volley for volley, before retreating. Reaching the foot of 
the hill, they rallied under the Stars and Stripes, and returned 
to the assault. Even a third time they charged, but the dry 
leaves on the ground now caught fire, the smoke stifled 
them, and they had to retreat. As they returned down 
the hill, Lew Wallace tells us, " their ears and souls were 




Here, riding at anchor, lies the flagship 
of Foote, which opened the attack on 
Fort Henry in the first movement to 
break the backbone of the Confederacy, 
and won a victory before the arrival 
of the army. This gunboat, the Cincinnati, 
was one of the seven flat-bottom iron 
clads built by Captain Eads at Carondelet, 
Missouri, and Mound City, Illinois, during 
the latter half of 1861. When Grant finally 
obtained permission from General Halleck 
to advance the attack upon Fort Henry 
on the Tennessee River, near the border of 
Kentucky, Flag Officer Foote started up 
the river, February 2, 1862, convoying the 
transports, loaded with the advance de 
tachment of Grant s seventeen thousand 
troops. Arriving before Fort Henry on 


February 6th, the intrepid naval com 
mander at once began the bombardment 
with a well-aimed shot from the Cincinnati. 
The eleven heavy guns of the fort responded 
in chorus, and an iron rain began to fall 
with telling effect upon the Cincinnati, 
the Essex, the Carondelet, and the St. 
Louis, which were steaming forward half a 
mile in advance of the rear division of the 
squadron. At a range of 1,700 yards the 
Cincinnati opened the engagement. After 
a little over an hour of heavy firing the 
colors on Fort Henry were lowered and 
General Tilghman surrendered it to Flag- 
Officer Foote. When General Grant ar 
rived an hour later, Foote turned over the 
fort to him and returned to Cairo with his 
disabled gunboats. 


Sfall 0f Sfart If ?nrg anJn 3f0rt 10n^lB0n 




riven with the shrieks of their wounded comrades, upon 
whom the flames crept and smothered and charred where 
they lay." 

Thus ended the 13th of February. That night the river 
gunboats, six in number, four of them ironclads, under the 
command of Andrew H. Foote, arrived. Grant had sent them 
down the Tennessee to the Ohio and up the Cumberland, to 
support his army at Fort Donelson. On the 14th, about three 
in the afternoon, Foote steamed with his four ironclads to a 
point in the river within four hundred yards of the two power 
ful batteries on the river bank under the fort and opened fire 
with his cannon while continuing to advance. The reply from 
the Confederate batteries was terrific and many of their 
shots struck home. In a short time the decks of the vessels 
were slippery with human blood. Foote himself was severely 
wounded. At length a solid shot struck the pilot house of the 
flagship and tore away the pilot wheel. At almost the same 
moment another gunboat was disabled. The two vessels, one 
of which had been struck fifty-nine times, could no longer be 
managed; they turned about with the eddies of the river and 
floated down with the current. The others followed. 

The Confederates raised a wild shout of joy at this, their 
second victory since the coming of the Union army. But what 
will be the story of the morrow? With the reenforcements 
brought by Foote, Lew Wallace s division, Grant s army was 
now swelled to twenty-seven thousand, and in spite of the 
initial repulse the Federals felt confident of ultimate victory. 
But a dreary night was before them. The springlike weather 
had changed. All that fearful night of February 14th there was 
a fierce, pitiless wind with driving sleet and snow. Thousands 
of the men, weary of the burden of their overcoats and blan 
kets during the warm preceding days, had thrown them away. 
Now they spent the night lying behind logs or in ditches or 
wherever they could find a little protection from the wintry 
blasts. General Floyd, knowing that Grant s army was much 


With the shots from the Confederate batteries ringing and bounding off 
her iron plates, this gallant gunboat that Foote had chosen for his flag 
ship, entered the zone of fire at Fort Donelson. In the confined space 
of her smoke-filled gun-deck, the river sailors were loading and firing the 
heavy broadsides as fast as the great guns could be run out and aimed 
at the frowning line of entrenchments on the river bank. From them 
the concentrated hail of iron was poured upon her and the marksman 
ship was good. Fifty-nine times was this brave vessel struck. But 

her armored sides withstood the heavy shocks although the plating, 

dented and bent, bore record of each impact. Nearer and nearer grew 
the forts as up the narrow channel the flag-ship led the way, the Louis 
ville, the Carondelet, and the Pittsburgh belching their fire at the wooded 
heights, as though endeavoring to attract the attention of the Con 
federate gunners to themselves and save the flag-ship from receiving 
more than her share. Up in the pilot-house the brave man who knew the 
channel stood at the wheel, his eyes firmly fixed ahead; and on the 
"texas," as the upper deck was called, within speaking distance of him, 
stood Foote himself. A great shot, aimed accurately as a minie ball, 
struck the frail pilot-house. It was as if the vessel s heart was pierced. 
The wheel was swept away from the pilot s hand and the brave river 
guide was hurled into the corner, mangled, bleeding and soon to die. 
Flag Officer Foote did not escape. He fell badly wounded in the leg 



by a fragment of the shell a wound from which he never fully re 
covered. Helpless now, the current swept the St. Louis bow around, 
and past her consorts that were still fighting, she drifted down the stream 
and out of action; later, in convoy of the Louisville, she returned to 
Cairo, leaving the Carondelet and Pittsburgh to escort the transports. 
Meanwhile on shore, Grant was earning his first laurels as a soldier in 
a big battle. The disabling of the gunboats caused the Confederates 
to make the fatal attack that resulted so disastrously for them. Assail 
ing Grant s right wing that held a strong position, on the 15th of 
February, 19,000 men were hurled against a force 8,000 greater in number. 
But the repulse was complete. Shattered they retreated to their works, 
and in the morning of the 16th, the Confederate general, Buckner, 
surrendered. About 14,000 prisoners were taken. The Federal loss 
was nearly 3,000, and that of the Southern cause about 1,000 less. For 
the capture of Fort Donelson Grant was made major-general. The 
first step to the conquest of the Mississippi had been achieved. In 
October, 1862, the river fleet was transferred from the Army to the 
Navy Department, and as there was another vessel in the service, bear 
ing the same name the St. Louis was renamed the Baron de Kalb. At 
Fort Henry, she went into action lashed to the Carondelet on account of 
the narrowness of the stream; and later again, the gallant gunboat won 
laurels at Island No. 10, Fort Pillow, Memphis, and Vicksburg. 


stronger than his own, decided, after consulting with Pillow 
and Buckner, to attack the Union right at dawn on the 15th. 

The night was spent in preparing for this, and in the 
morning Pillow with ten thousand men fell upon McClernand, 
and Buckner soon joined him with an additional force. Toward 
noon many of McClernand s men ran short of powder and he 
w r as forced to recede from his position. Pillow seems then to 
have lost his head. He felt that the whole Union army was 
defeated, and though the road to Nashville was open, the 
Confederates made no attempt to escape. Just then General 
Grant rode upon the scene. He had been absent all morning 
down the river consulting Foote, not knowing that the Con 
federates had planned an escape. This moment, says Lew 
Wallace, was the crisis in the life of Grant. 

Hearing the disastrous news, his face flushed for a mo 
ment; he crushed some papers in his hand. Next instant he 
was calm, and said in his ordinary tone, to McClernand and 
Wallace, " Gentlemen, the position on the right must be re 
taken." Then he galloped away to General Smith. In a short 
time the Union lines were in motion. General Smith made a 
grand assault on the Confederate outworks and rifle-pits. 
When his lines hesitated Smith waved his cap on the point of 
his sword and rode in front, up the hill, in the hottest fire of the 
foe, toward the rifle-pits and they were carried. At the same 
moment Lew Wallace was leading his division up another 
slope with equal gallantry. Here again the Confederates re 
tired, and the road to Nashville was no longer open. Further 
more, Smith held a position from which he could shell the fort 
on the inside, and nothing was left to the inmates but surrender 
or slaughter on the morrow. 

A council was held by Floyd, Pillow, and Buckner. 
Buckner, who was a master in the art of warfare, declared that 
he could not hold his position for half an hour in the morning. 
The situation was hopeless. Floyd was under indictment at 
Washington for maladministration in the Buchanan cabinet. 



Lying at anchor in the Ohio River this little wooden gunboat is having the finishing touches put to her equipment while her officers 
and men are impatiently waiting for the opportunity to bring her into action. A side-wheel river steamer originally, she was pur 
chased at Cincinnati by Commander John Rodgers in the spring of 1861 and speedily converted into a gunboat. Her boilers and 
steam pipes were lowered into the hold and the oaken bulwarks five inches thick which we see were put on her and pierced for guns. 
She got her first taste of fighting when, at Lucas Bend, she engaged the land batteries and a Confederate gunboat, September 10, 1861. 
She was present at Fort Henry in the second division of the attacking fleet, and also at Fort Donelson. 

A sister-ship of the Coneatoga. She was present both at Fort Henry and Fort Donelson. 

He declared that he must not be taken, and that with his Vir 
ginia troops he would escape on two little hoats that were to 
arrive from Nashville in the morning. He passed the com 
mand to Pillow, and Pillow, declaring that he too would 
escape, passed it on to Buckner. Floyd and Pillow with their 
men made good their escape; so did Colonel Forrest, the cav 
alry leader, and his mounted force. 

In the early morning Buckner sent a note to Grant offer 
ing to capitulate. The answer is well known. Grant de 
manded " unconditional surrender," and added, " I propose 
to move immediately on your works." Buckner was too good 
a soldier to sacrifice his men in needless slaughter. His men 
were so worn with eighty-four hours of fighting and watching 
that many of them had fallen asleep while standing in battle- 
line and under fire. He accepted the " ungenerous and un- 
chivalrous terms," as he pronounced them, and surrendered 
Fort Donelson and the army, consisting of at least fourteen 
thousand men, with all its stores of ammunition. The Union 
loss was over twenty-eight hundred men. The Confederate 
loss, killed and wounded, was about two thousand. 

The capture of Fort Donelson did three things. First, 
it opened up the way for the Federal army to penetrate the 
heart of the western South and gave it control of Kentucky 
and of western Tennessee. Second, it electrified the North 
with confident hopes of ultimate success. It was the first great 
victory for the North in the war. Bull Run had been a moral 
victory to the South, but the vanquished were weakened 
scarcely more than the victors. At Donelson, the victors gained 
control of an extensive territory and captured a noble army 
which could ill be spared by the South and which could not be 
replaced. Third, the capture of Donelson forced before the 
nation a new man Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Captured Commanders of Forts Henry 
and Donelson. It requires as much moral 
courage to decide upon a surrender, even when 
odds are overwhelming, as it does physical 
bravery, in maintaining a useless fight to the 
death. Brigadier-General Tilghman, who com 
manded the Confederate Fort Henry on the 
Tennessee and General Simon Bolivar Buckner 
in command of the Confederate Fort Donelson 
a much stronger position on the Cumberland 
only a few miles away were men who pos 
sessed this kind of courage. Both had 
the misfortune to hold untenable positions. 
Each displayed generalship and sagacity and 
only gave up to the inevitable when holding 
out meant nothing but wasted slaughter and 
the sacrifice of men who had been called upon 
to exert every human effort. Fort Henry, on 
the banks of the Tennessee, was held by a few 
thousand men and strongly armed with 
twenty guns including one 10-inch Columbiad. 
But on the 6th of February it fairly lay in 
the possession of the Federals before a shot 
had actually been fired, for Grant with 17,000 
men had gained the rear of the fortification 
after his move from Cairo on the 30th of the 
previous month. The actual reduction of the 
fort was left to the gunboat flotilla under 
Flag Officer Foote, whose heavy bombard 
ment began early in the morning. General 
Tilghman had seen from the first that the 
position could not be held. He was trapped 
on all sides, but he would not give way without 
a display of resistance. Before the firing be 
gan, he had sent off most of the garrison and 
maintained the unequal combat with the gun 
boats for an hour and a quarter with bs3 than 
a hundred men, of whom he lost twenty-one. 
Well did this handful serve 
the guns on the river bank. 
One shot struck the gun 
boat Essex, piercing her 
boilers, and wounding and 
scalding twenty-eight men. 
But at last, enveloped on 
all sides, his retreat cut off 
the troops who haci been 
ordered to depart in the 
morning , some >;hree 
thousand in number, had 
reached Fort Donelson, 
twelve miles away General 
Tilghman hauled down his 
flag, surrendering himself 
and eighty-four men as 
prisoners of war. Here ws 
see him a brave figure of 
a man clad in the uniform 
of a Southern Colonel. 
There was never the slight 
est doubt of his courage or 
of his proper discretion in 
making this surrender. Only 
for a short time was he held 
a prisoner, when he was 
exchanged and welcomed 
back with all honor into 
the ranks of the Confeder 
acy, and given an impor 
tant command. He did not, 
however, live long to serve 
his cause, for shortly after 
rejoining the army he was 
killed at the battle of 
Baker s Creek, Mississippi, 
on the 16th of May, 1863. 




It is not often that on the battlefield ties of 
friendship are cemented that last a lifetime, 
and especially is this so between conqueror and 
conquered. Fort Donelson, that was, in a 
measure, a repetition of Fort Henry, saw two 
fighting foes become thus united. It was im 
possible for the garrison of Fort Donelson to 
make its escape after the flotilla of gunboats 
had once appeared in the river, although 
General Floyd, its senior commander, the 
former Secretary of War under President 
Buchanan, had withdrawn himself from the 
scene tendering the command to General 
Pillow, who in his turn, after escaping with 
his own brigade, left the desperate situation 
to be coped with by General Buckner. Assailed 
in the rear by an army that outnumbered the 
defenders of the fort by nearly eight thousand 
and with the formidable gunboats hammering 
his entrenchments from the river, Buckner 
decided to cut his way out in a desperate 
charge, but being repulsed, saw his men flung 
back once more into the fort. There was 
nothing for it but to make terms. On Febru 
ary 16th, in a note to Grant he asked what 
might be granted him. Here, the coming 
leader won his nickname of "Unconditional 
Surrender" Grant. Buckner was informed 
that the Federal army was about to move 
upon his works. Hurt and smarting under 
his position, he sent back a reply that in a 
few short hours he would, perhaps, have been 
willing to recall. Yielding to circumstances he 
accepted what he bluntly pronounced, "un 
generous and unchivalrous terms." But when 
the capitulation had taken 
place and nearly fifteen 
thousand men had surren 
dered, a greater number 
than ever before laid down 
their arms upon the conti 
nent, Grant was so generous, 
that then and there began 
the friendship that grew as 
close as if the two men w r ere 
brothers of the blood. Most 
of the prisoners were pa 
roled. Each one was al 
lowed to retain his personal 
baggage, and the officers to 
keep their side arms. Grant 
had known Buckner in 
the Mexican \Var, and re 
ceived him after the battle 
as his guest. For a short 
time General Buckner was 
kept a prisoner at Fort 
Warren until he was ex 
changed. But the friend 
ship between the two leaders 
continued. When General 
Grant, after having been 
twice President, failed in 
his business career, Buckner 
sent him a check, trusting 
that it might be of use in 
his time of trouble. Grant, 
shortly before his death, 
wrote his old-time comrade 
and antagonist requesting 
that Buckner do him the 
final honors by becoming 
one of his pallbearers. 



No Confederate who fought at Shiloh has ever said that he found 
any point on that bloody field easy to assail. Colonel William Preston 
Johnston (Son of the Confederate General, Albert Sidney Johnston^ kitted at 

IN the history of America many battles had been fought, but 
the greatest of them were skirmishes compared with the 
gigantic conflicts of the Old World under Marlborough and 
Napoleon. On the field of Shiloh, for the first time, two great 
American armies were to engage in a mighty struggle that 
would measure up to the most important in the annals of Eu 
rope. And the pity of it was that the contestants were brethren 
of the same household, not hereditary and unrelenting enemies. 
At Fort Donelson the western South was not slain it was 
only wounded. The chief commander of that part of the coun 
try, Albert Sidney Johnston, determined to concentrate the 
scattered forces and to make a desperate effort to retrieve the 
disaster of Donelson. He had abandoned Bowling Green, had 
given up Nashville, and now decided to collect his troops at 
Corinth, Mississippi. Next in command to Johnston was Gen 
eral Beauregard who fought at Bull Run, and who had come 
from Virginia to aid Johnston. There also came Braxton 
Bragg, whose name had become famous through the laconic 
expression, " A little more grape, Captain Bragg," uttered by 
Zachary Taylor at Buena Vista; Leonidas Polk who, though 
a graduate of West Point, had entered the church and for 
twenty years before the war had been Episcopal bishop of 
Louisiana, and John C. Breckinridge, former Vice President 
of the United States. The legions of the South were gath 
ered at Corinth until, by the 1st of April, 1862, they num 
bered forty thousand. 

A brilliant Southern leader, whose early 
loss was a hard blow to the Confederacy. 
Albert Sidney Johnston was a born fighter 
with a natural genius for war. A West 
Pointer of the Class of 26, he had led a 
strenuous and adventurous life. In the 
early Indian wars, in the border conflicts 
in Texas, and in the advance into Mexico, 
he had always proved his worth, his 
bravery and his knowledge as a soldier. 
At the outbreak of the Civil War he had 
already been brevetted Brigadier-General, 
and had been commander of the military 
district of Utah. An ardent Southerner, 
he made his choice, dictated by heart and 
conscience, and the Federal authorities 


knew the loss they would sustain and tBe 
gain that would be given to the cause of 
the Confederacy. In Gl he was as 
signed to a district including Kentucky 
and Tennessee with the rank of General. 
At once he displayed his gifts as an or 
ganizer, but Shiloh cut short a career that 
would have led him to a high place in fame 
and history. The early Confederate suc 
cesses of the 6th of April were due to his 
leadership. His manner of death and 
his way of meeting it attested to his 
bravery. Struck by a minie ball, he kept 
in the saddle, falling exhausted and dying 
from the loss of blood. His death put the 
whole South into mourning. 


Southern soldiers in shirtsleeves a few months before they fought bravely at Shiloh. 

General Chalmers, waving the flag of this regiment, led it in 

a gallant charge on the second day. 

To no one who was close to him in the 
stirring scenes of the early conflict in the 
West did Grant pay higher tribute than to 
this veteran of the Mexican War who was 
his Chief of Staff. He was a man to be 
relied upon in counsel and in emergency, 
a fact that the coming leader recognized 
from the very outset. An. artillery officer 
and engineer, his military training and 
I practical experience made him a most 
valuable executive. He had also the gift 
I of leading men and inspiring confidence. 
I Always cool and collected in the face of 
I danger, and gifted with a personality that 
U won friends everywhere, the reports of all 
I of his superiors show the trust and con 
fidence that were reposed hi him. In 


April, 1861, he had taken charge of the 
fortifications at Cairo, Illinois. He was 
with Grant at Paducah, at Forts Henry 
and Donelson, and at Shiloh where he 
collected the artillery near the Landing 
that repelled the final Confederate attack 
on April 6th. He remained Chief of 
Staff until October, 1862. On October 
14th, he was made a Brigadier-General of 
Volunteers, and was appointed superin 
tendent of military railroads in the De 
partment of Tennessee. Later he was 
Chief of Staff to General Sherman, and 
again proved his worth when he was with 
General Thomas at Hood s defeat before 
Nashville in December, 1864. On March 
13, 1865, he received the brevet of Major- 
General of Volunteers. 


Meantime, the Union army had moved southward and was 
concentrating at Pittsburg Landing, on the Tennessee River, 
an obscure stopping place for boats in southern Tennessee, 
and some twenty miles northeast from Corinth. The name 
means more now than merely a landing place for river craft. 
It was clear that two mighty, hostile forces were drawing to 
gether and that ere long there would be a battle of tremen 
dous proportions, such as this Western hemisphere had not 
then known. 

General Grant had no idea that the Confederates would 
meet him at Pittsburg Landing. He believed that they would 
wait for an attack on their entrenchments at Corinth. The 
position his army occupied at the Landing was a kind of quad 
rilateral, enclosed on three sides by the river and several small 
streams that flow into it. As the early days of April passed 
there were ominous rumors of the coming storm; but Grant 
was so sure that Johnston would not attack that he spent the 
night of the 5th of April at Savannah, some miles down the 
Tennessee River. 

It was Saturday night. For two weeks the Union troops 
had occupied the undulating tableland that stretched away 
from the river at the Landing. There was the sound of the 
plashing streams overflowing from recent rains, there were 
revelry and mirth around the thousand camp-fires; but there 
was no sound to give warning of the coming of forty thou 
sand men, who had for two days been drawing nearer with a 
steady tread, and during this night were deploying around 
the Union camp, only a mile away. There was nothing to 
indicate that the inevitable clash of arms was but a few hours 
in the future. 

At the dawn of day on Sunday, April 6th, magnificent 
battle-lines, under the Confederate battle-flag, emerged from 
the woods on the neighboring hills within gunshot of the Fed 
eral camps. Whether the Union army was really surprised 
has been the subject of long controversy, which we need not 


Some very youthful Louisiana soldiers waiting for their first taste of battle, a few weeks before Shiloh. These are members of 
Washington Artillery of New Orleans. We see them at Camp Louisiana proudly wearing their new boots and their uniforms a 
unfaded by the sun. Louisiana gave liberally of her sons, who distinguished themselves in the fighting throughout the i, ^i. ..*;<_ 
Fifth Company of the \Vushingtcn Artillery took part in the closely contested Battle of Shiloh. The Confederates defeated Sherman s 
troops in the early morning, and by night were in possession of all the Federal camps save one. The Washington Artillery served their 
guns handsomely and helped materially in forcing the Federals back to the bank of the river. The timely arrival of Buell s army 
the next day at Pittsburg Landing enabled Grant to recover from the reverses suffered on that bloody "first day" Sunday, April 6, 18G2. 



enter. Certainly, the attack on it was most sudden, and in con 
sequence it fought on the defensive and at a disadvantage 
throughout the day. 

General Hardee s corps, forming the first line of battle, 
moved against the outlying division of the Union army, which 
was commanded by General Benjamin Prentiss, of West Vir 
ginia. Before Prentiss could form his lines Hardee s shells 
began bursting around him, but he was soon ready and, though 
pressed back for half a mile in the next two or three hours, his 
men fought like heroes. Meanwhile the further Confederate 
advance under Bragg, Polk, and Breckinridge was extending 
all along the line in front of the Federal camps. The second 
Federal force to encounter the fury of the oncoming foe was 
the division of General W. T. Sherman, which was cut to 
pieces and disorganized, but only after it had inflicted frightful 
loss on the Confederate army. 

General Grant, as we have noted, spent the night at 
Savannah, a town nine miles by way of the river from Pitts- 
burg Landing. As he sat at breakfast, he heard the distant 
boom of cannon and he quickly realized that Johnston s army 
had attacked his own at the Landing. Instantly he took a boat 
and started for the scene of the conflict. At Crump s Landing, 
about half way between the two, General Lew Wallace was 
stationed with a division of seven thousand men. As Grant 
passed Crump s Landing, he met Wallace and ordered him to 
be ready for instant marching when he was called for. When 
Grant arrived at Pittsburg Landing, about eight o clock in the 
morning, he found a tremendous battle raging, and he spent 
the day riding from one division commander to another, giving 
directions and cheering them on as best he could. 

About two and a half miles from the Landing stood a little 
log church among the trees, in which for years the simple 
folk of the countryside had been wont to gather for worship 
every Sunday morning. But on this fateful Sunday, the 
demon of war reigned supreme. The little church was known 


j.. M*^-, 

T^I^- =k ^^ff"?*? 




By the name of "Pittsburg Landing," this Tennessee River point, Southerners designate the con 
flict of April 6 and 7, 1862. The building upon the left and one farther up the bank were the only 
ones standing at the time of the battle. Of the six steamers, the name of the Tycoon, which brought 
hospital supplies from the Cincinnati branch of the Sanitary Commission, is visible. Johnston s 
plan in the attack on the Federal forces was to pound away on their left until they were driven away 
from the Landing and huddled in the angle between the Tennessee River and Snake Creek. The 
onset of the Confederates was full of dash. Sherman was at length driven from Shiloh Church, 
and the command of Prentiss was surrounded and forced to surrender. It looked as if Johnston 
would crush the left. Just at this point he was struck down by a minie-ball from the last line of a 
Federal force that he had victoriously driven back. The success of the day now begins to tell on 
the Confederate army. Many of the lines show great gaps. But the men in gray push vigorously 
toward the point where these boats lie anchored. Some heavy guns are massed near this point. 
Reinforcements are arriving across the river, but General Beauregard, who succeeds Johnston in 
command, suspends the battle till the morrow. During the night 24,000 fresh troops are taken 
across the river by the transports here pictured. They successfully withstand the attempt of Beaure 
gard, and with the arrival of Lew Wallace from up the river victory shifts to the Stars and Stripes. 


as Shiloh to all the country around, and it gave its name to the 
great battle that raged near it on that memorable day. 

General Prentiss had borne the first onset of the morning. 
He had been pressed back half a mile. But about nine o clock, 
after being reenforced, he made a stand on a wooded spot with 
a dense undergrowth, and here he held his ground for eight 
long hours, until five in the afternoon, when he and a large 
portion of his division were surrounded and compelled to sur 
render. Time after time the Confederates rushed upon his 
position, but only to be repulsed with fearful slaughter. This 
spot came to be known as the " Hornet s Nest." It was not 
far from here that the Confederates suffered the irreparable 
loss of the day. Their noble commander, Albert Sidney Johns 
ton, received his death wound as he was urging his troops to 
force back Hurlbut s men. He was riding in the center of 
the fight, cheering his men, when a minie ball cut an artery of 
his thigh. The wound was not necessarily fatal. A surgeon 
could easily have saved him. But he thought only of victory 
and continued in the saddle, raising his voice in encouragement 
above the din of battle. Presently his voice became faint, a 
deadly pallor blanched his cheek. He was lifted from his 
horse, but it was too late. In a few minutes the great com 
mander was dead, from loss of blood. 

The death of Johnston, in the belief of many, changed the 
result at Shiloh and prevented the utter rout or capture of 
Grant s army. One of Johnston s subordinates wrote: " Johns 
ton s death was a tremendous catastrophe. Sometimes the 
hopes of millions of people depend upon one head and one arm. 
The West perished with Albert Sidney Johnston and the 
Southern country followed." Jefferson Davis afterward de 
clared that " the fortunes of a country hung by a single thread 
on the life that was yielded on the field of Shiloh." 

Beauregard succeeded to the command on the fall of 
Johnston and the carnage continued all the day till dark 
ness was falling over the valleys and the hills. The final charge 


merit, and in connection with the field batteries on the bank checked General Withers 
less brigade of Chalmers, whose brave Southerners held their ground near the foot of 
battle was ended elsewhere, was swept by 
the gunboats fire. When Buell s army, 
that had been hurrying up to Grant s 
assistance, reached the battle-field, Gwin 
sent a messenger ashore in the evening to 
General Nelson, who had just arrived, and 
asked in what manner he could now be of 
service. It was pitch dark; except for the 
occasional firing of the pickets the armies 
were resting after the terrific combat. In 
reply to Gwin s inquiry, General Nelson 
requested that the gunboats keep on firing 
during the night, and that every ten min 
utes an 8-inch shell should be launched in 
the direction of the Confederate camp. 
With great precision Gwin followed out 
this course. Through the forest the shells 
shrieked and exploded over the exhausted 
Confederates, showering branches and 
limbs upon them where they slept, and 
tearing great gashes in the earth. The re 
sult was that they got little rest, and rest 
was necessary. Slowly a certain demoral 
ization became evident results that bore 
fruit in the action that opened on the 
morrow. Here we see pictured in the 
lower part of the page the captain s gig 
and crew near the Lexington, ready to 
row their commander out into the stream. 


In the river near Pittsburg Landing, where 
the Federal transports lay, were two small 
gunboats, and what they did during the 
battle of April 6th makes a separate chap 
ter in the action. In the early morn 
ing they were out of sight, though within 
sound of the continuous firing. How the 
battle was going, however, was evident. 
The masses of the blue-clad troops appeared 
through the trees on the river bank, showing 
that underthe continuous and fierce assaults 
they were falling back upon the Landing. 
The Tyler, commanded by Lieutenant 
Gwin, and afterward the Lexington, com 
manded by Lieutenant Shirk, which arrived 
at four o clock, strove to keep the Con 
federate army from the Landing. After 
the surrender of Prentiss, General With 
ers set his division in motion to the right 
toward this point. Chalmers and Jack 
son s brigades marched into the ravine of 
Dill s Branch and into the range of tne 
Federal gunboats and batteries which 
silenced Gage s battery, the only one 
Withers had, and played havoc with the 
Confederate skirmishers. All the rest of 
the afternoon, until nightfall, the river 
sailors kept up their continuous bombard- 
desperate attempt on the Landing. The daunt- 
the ravine and maintained the conflict after the 




of the evening was made by three Confederate brigades close to 
the Landing, in the hope of gaining that important point. But 
by means of a battery of many guns on the bluff of Dill s 
Branch, aided by the gunboats in the river, the charge was 
repulsed. Beauregard then gave orders to desist from further 
attack all along his lines, to suspend operations till morning. 
When General Bragg heard this he was furious with rage. 
He had counted on making an immediate grand assault in the 
darkness, believing that he could capture a large part of the 
Federal army. 

When the messenger informed him of Beauregard s order, 
he inquired if he had already delivered it to the other com 
manders. Yes," was the reply. If you had not," rejoined 
the angry Bragg, " I would not obey it. The battle is lost." 
But Bragg s fears were not shared by his compatriots. 

Further mention is due the two little wooden gunboats, 
Tyler and Lexington, for their share in the great fight. The 
Tyler had lain all day opposite the mouth of Dill s Branch 
which flowed through a deep, marshy ravine, into the Tennes 
see just above the Landing. Her commander, Lieutenant 
Gwin, was eager for a part in the battle, and when he saw the 
Confederate right pushing its way toward the Landing, he re 
ceived permission to open fire. For an hour his guns increased 
the difficulties of Jackson s and Chalmers brigades as they 
made their way to the surrounding of Prentiss. Later on the 
Lexington joined her sister, and the two vessels gave valuable 
support to the Union cannon at the edge of the ravine and 
to Hurlbut s troops until the contest ended. All that night, 
in the downpour of rain, Lieutenant Gwin, at the request of 
General Nelson, sent shot crashing through the trees in the 
direction where the Confederates had bivouacked. This com 
pletely broke the rest of the exhausted troops, and had a de 
cided effect upon the next day s result. 

Southern hopes were high at the close of this first bloody 
day at Shiloh. Whatever of victory there was at the end of the 






In the battle of Shiloh the Fourteenth Iowa Infantry formed part of that self-constituted forlorn hope which 
made the victory of April 7, 1862, possible. It held the center at the "Hornet s Nest," fighting the live-long 
day against fearful odds. Just as the sun was setting, Colonel William T. Shaw, seeing that he was surrounded 
and further resistance useless, surrendered the regiment. These officers and men were held as prisoners of war 
until October 12, 1862, when, moving by Richmond, Virginia, and Annapolis, Maryland, they went to Benton 
Barracks, Missouri, being released on parole, and were declared exchanged on the 19th of November. This 
photograph was taken while they were held at Richmond, opposite the cook-houses of Libby Prison. The 
third man from the left in the front row, standing with his hand grasping the lapel of his coat, is George 
Marion Smith, a descendant of General M&rion of Revolutionary fame. It is through the courtesy of his 
son, N. H. Smith, that this photograph appears here. The Fourteenth Iowa Infantry was organized at 
Davenport and mustered in November 6, 1861. At Shiloh the men were already veterans of Forts Henry 
and Donelson. Those who were not captured fought in the battle of Corinth, and after the prisoners were 
exchanged they took part in the Red River expedition and several minor engagements. They were mustered 
out November 16, 1864, when the veterans and recruits were consolidated in two companies and assigned 
to duty in Springfield, Illinois, till August, 1865. These two companies were mustered out on August 8th. 
The regiment lost during service five officers and fifty-nine enlisted men killed and mortally wounded, 
and one officer and 138 enlisted men by disease. Iowa sent nine regiments of cavalry, four batteries 
of light artillery and fifty-one regiments of infantry to the Union armies, a grand total of 76,242 soldiers. 

day belonged to the Confederates. They had pressed the 
Federals back more than a mile and now occupied their ground 
and tents of the night before. They had captured General 
Prentiss with some thousands of his men as a result of his brave 
stand at the " Hornet s Nest." 

But their hopes were mingled with grave fears. General 
Van Dorn with an army of twenty thousand men was hasten 
ing from Arkansas to join the Confederate forces at Shiloh; 
but the roads were bad and he was yet far away. On the other 
hand, Buell was coming from Nashville to join Grant s army. 
Should he arrive during the night, the contest of the next day 
would be unequal and the Confederates would risk losing all 
that they had gained. Moreover, Beauregard s army, with its 
long, muddy march from Corinth and its more than twelve 
hours continuous fighting, was worn and weary almost to 

The Union army was stunned and bleeding, but not dis 
abled, at the close of the first day s battle. Caught unawares, 
the men had made a noble stand. Though pressed back from 
their position and obliged to huddle for the night around the 
Landing, while thousands of their comrades had fallen on the 
gory field, they had hopes of heavy reenforcements during 
the night. And, indeed, early in the evening the cry ran along 
the Union lines that Buell s army had come. The advance 
guard had arrived late in the afternoon and had assisted Hurl- 
but in the closing scene on the bluff of Dill s ravine; others con 
tinued to pour in during the night. And, furthermore, Gen 
eral Lew Wallace s division, though it had taken a wrong road 
from Crump s Landing and had not reached the field in time 
for the fighting of the 6th, now at last had arrived. Buell and 
Wallace had brought with them twenty-five thousand fresh 
troops to be hurled on the Confederates on the morning of the 
7th. But Van Dorn had not come. The preponderance of 
numbers now was with the Union army. 

Everyone knew that the battle was not over, that the issue 


Stalwart horsemen such as these bore the brunt of keeping order in the turbulent regions fought over by the armies in the West. 
The bugle call, "Boots and Saddles!" might summon them to fight, or to watch the movements of the active Confederates, Van Dorn 
and Price. It was largely due to their daring and bravery that the Confederate forces were held back from the Mississippi so as not 
to embarrass the movements of Grant and the gunboats. Of this unattached cavalry of the Army of the Ohio were the men in the 
upper picture Company D, Fourth Kentucky Volunteers, enlisted at Louisville, December, 1861. 




must be decided on the coming day, and the weary thousands 
of both sides sank down on the ground in a drenching rain to 
get a little rest and to gain a little strength for the desperate 
struggle that was sure to come on the morrow. 

Beauregard rested hopes upon a fresh dispatch announcing 
that Buell was delayed and the dreaded junction of two Federal 
armies therefore impossible. Meanwhile Grant and Buell were 
together in Sherman s camp and it was decided that Buell s 
troops should attack Beauregard next morning. One division 
of Buell stood to arms all night. 

At the break of day on Monday, April 7th, all was astir 
in both camps on the field of Shiloh, and the dawn was greeted 
with the roar of cannon. The troops that Grant now ad 
vanced into the contest were all, except about ten thousand, the 
fresh recruits that Wallace and Buell had brought, while the 
Confederates had not a single company that had not been on 
the ground the day before. Some military historians believe 
that Beauregard would have won a signal victory if neither 
army had been reenforced during the night. But now under 
the changed conditions the Confederates were at a great dis 
advantage, and yet they fought for eight long hours with 
heroic valor. 

The deafening roar of the cannon that characterized the 
beginning of the day s battle was followed by the rattle of 
musketry, so continuous that no ear could distinguish one shot 
from another. Nelson s division of Buell s army was the first 
to engage the Confederates. Nelson commanded the Federal 
left wing, with Hardee and Breckinridge immediately opposed 
to him. The Union center was under the command of Gen 
erals McCook and Crittenden; the right wing was com 
manded by McClernand, with Hurlbut next, while Sherman 
and Lew Wallace occupied the extreme right. The Confed 
erate left wing was commanded by the doughty Bragg and 
next to him was General Polk. 

Shiloh Church was again the storm center and in it 




"A spear-thrust in the back" was delivered to the Con 
federacy by the inland-river fleet that cut it in two. The 
squadron of Flag-Officer Davis is here lying near Memphis. 
Thus appeared the Federal gunboats on June 5, 1862, two 
miles above the city. 
Fort Pillow had been 
abandoned the previ 
ous day, but the Con 
federate river-defense 
flotilla still remained 
below and the Federals, 
still smarting from the 
disaster inflicted on 
the "Cincinnati," were 
determined to bring on 
a decisive engagement 
and, if possible, clear 


the river of their antagonists. Mean- 
wliile four new vessels had joined the 

Federal cause. On these heights above the river the inhabit 
ants of Memphis were crowded on the morning of June 6, 
1862, as the Federal squadron moved down-stream against 
the Confederate gunboats that were drawn up in double line 

of battle opposite the 
city. Everyone wanted 
to see the outcome of 
the great fight that was 
impending, for if its 
result proved adverse 
to the Confederates, 
Memphis would fall 
into Federal hands and 
another stretch of the 
Mississippi would be 
lost to the South. In 
the engagement at 

Federal squadron. These were river 
steamers which Charles Ellet, Jr., had 
converted into rams in the short space 
of six weeks. Their principle was as old 
as history, but it was now to be tried 
for the first time in aid of the 


Memphis two of the Ellet rams ac 
companied the squadron the " Queen 
of the West" commanded by Charles 
Ellet, and the "Monarch" commanded 
by his younger brother, Major Alfred 
Ellet. The Confederate flotilla was 
destroyed, but with the loss of Charles 
Ellet, from a mortal wound. 


IE 3] 




General Beauregard made his headquarters. Hour after hour 
the columns in blue and gray surged to and fro, first one then 
the other gaining the advantage and presently losing it. At 
times the smoke of burning powder enveloped the whole field 
and hid both armies from view. The interesting incidents of 
this day of blood would fill a volume. General Hindman of the 
Southern side had a novel experience. His horse was struck 
by a bursting shell and torn to a thousand fragments. The 
general, thrown ten feet high, fell to the ground, but leaped 
to his feet unhurt and asked for another horse. 

Early in the afternoon, Beauregard became convinced that 
he was fighting a losing battle and that it would be the part 
of prudence to withdraw the army before losing all. He 
thereupon sent the members of his staff to the various corps 
commanders ordering them to prepare to retreat from the field, 
at the same time making a show of resuming the offensive. 
The retreat was so skilfully made, the front firing-line being 
kept intact, that the Federals did not suspect it for some time. 
Some hours before nightfall the fighting had ceased. The 
Federals remained in possession of the field and the Confed 
erates were wading through the mud on the road ta Corinth. 

It was a dreary march for the bleeding and battered Con 
federate army. An eye-witness described it in the following 
language : 

" I made a detour from the road on which the army was 
retreating that I might travel faster and get ahead of the main 
body. In this ride of twelve miles alongside of the routed 
army, I saw more of human agony and woe than I trust I will 
ever again be called upon to witness. The retreating host 
wound along a narrow and almost impassable road, extending 
some seven or eight miles in length. Here was a line of wagons 
loaded with wounded, piled in like bags of grain, groaning 
and cursing; while the mules plunged on in mud and water 
belly-deep, the water sometimes coming into the wagons. Next 
came a straggling regiment of infantry, pressing on past the 


In April, 1862, J. J. 
Andrews, a citizen of 
Kentucky and a spy in 
General Buell s employment, 
proposed seizing a Iccomotive on 
the Western and Atlantic Railroad at 
some point below Chattanooga and running 
it back to that place, cutting telegraph wires 

and burning bridges on the way. General O. M. COPYRIGHT, 1911. REVIEW OF REVIEWS co. 

Mitchel authorized the plan and twenty-two men volunteered to carry it out. On the morning of April 12th, the train they were on 
stopped at Big Shanty station for breakfast. The bridge-burners (who were in citizens clothes) detached the locomotive and three 
box-cars and started at full speed for Chattanooga, but after a run of about a hundred miles their fuel was exhausted and their pur 
suers were in sight. The whole party was captured. Andrews was condemned as a spy and hanged at Atlanta, July 7th. The others 
were confined at Chattanooga, Knoxville, and afterward at Atlanta, where seven were executed as spies. Of the fourteen survivors, 
eight escaped from prison; and of these, six eventually reached the Union lines. Six were removed to Richmond and confined in Castle 
Thunder until they were exchanged in 1863. The Confederates attempted to destroy the locomotive when they evacuated Atlanta. 



wagons; then a stretcher borne on the shoulders of four men, 
carrying a wounded officer; then soldiers staggering along, 
with an arm broken and hanging down, or other fearful 
wounds, which were enough to destroy life. And, to add to 
the horrors of the scene, the elements of heaven marshaled 
their forces- a fitting accompaniment of the tempest of human 
desolation and passion which was raging. A cold, drizzling 
rain commenced about nightfall, and soon came harder and 
faster, then turned to pitiless, blinding hail. This storm raged 
w r ith violence for three hours. I passed long wagon trains 
filled with wounded and dying soldiers, without even a blanket 
to shelter them from the driving sleet and hail, which fell in 
stones as large as partridge eggs, until it lay on the ground 
two inches deep. 

" Some three hundred men died during that awful retreat, 
and their bodies were thrown out to make room for others who, 
although wounded, had struggled on through the storm, hop 
ing to find shelter, rest, and medical care." 

Four days after the battle, however, Beauregard reported 
to his government, " this army is more confident of ultimate 
success than before its encounter with the enemy." Addressing 
the soldiers, he said: " You have done your duty. . . . Your 
countrymen are proud of your deeds on the bloody field of 
Shiloh; confident in the ultimate result of your valor." 

The news of these two fearful days at Shiloh was astound 
ing to the American people. Never before on the continent 
had there been anything approaching it. Bull Run w r as a skir 
mish in comparison with this gigantic conflict. The losses on 
each side exceeded ten thousand men. General Grant tells us 
that after the second day he saw an open field so covered with 
dead that it would have been possible to walk across it in any 
direction stepping on dead bodies, without a foot touching the 
ground. American valor was tried to the full on both sides at 
Shiloh, and the record shows that it was equal to the test. 





A photograph of the only 20-inch gun made during^ the war. 
It weighed 117,000 pounds. On March 30, 1861, a 15-inch 
Columbiad was heralded in Harper s Weekly as the biggest gun 
in the world, but three years later this 
was exceeded. In 1844 Lieutenant 
(later Brigadier-General) Thomas Jef 
ferson Rodman of the Ordnance De 
partment commenced a series of tests 
to find a way to obviate the injurious 
strains set up in the metal, by cool 
ing a large casting from the exterior. 
He finally developed his theory of cast 
ing a gun with the core hollow and 
then cooling it by a stream of water or 
cold air through it. So successful was 
this method that the War Department, 
in 1860, authorized a 15-inch smooth 
bore gun. It proved a great success. 
General Rodman then projected his 
20-inch smooth-bore gun, which was 


We publish on page 205 an accurate drawing of 
the great Fifteen-inch Gun at Fort Monroe, Virgin 
ia ; and also a picture, from arecent sketch, showing 
the experiments which are being made with a view 
to test it. It is proper that we .should say that the 
small drawing is front the lithograph which is pub 
lished in. MAJOR BARNARD S "Notes on S :a-Coast 
Defense," published by Mr. D. Van Nostrand. of 
this city. 

This gun was cast at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 
by Knapp, Eudd, & Co., under the directions of 
Captain T. J. Rodman, of the Ordnance Corps. 
Its dimensions are as follows : 

Total length 190 Inches. 

Length of calibre of bore 156 u 

Length of ellipsoidal chamber 9 " 

Total length of bore 166 

Maximum exterior diameter 48 * 

NEWS OF MARCH 30, 1861 

made in 1864 under his direction at Fort Pitt, Pittsburg, 
Pennsylvania. It was mounted at Fort Hamilton, New York 
Harbor, very soon afterwards, but on account of the tre 
mendous size and destructive effect of its 
projectiles it was fired only four times 
during the war. It was almost impos 
sible to get a target that would with 
stand the shots and leave anything to 
show what had happened. These four 
shots were fired with 50, 75, 100 and 125 
pounds of powder. The projectile 
weighed 1,080 pounds,and the maximum 
pressure on the bore was 25,000 pounds. 
In March, 1867, it was again fired four 
times with 125, 150, 175 and 200 pounds 
of powder, each time with an elevation 
of twenty-five degrees, the projectile 
attaining a maximum range of 8,001 
yards. This is no mean record even 
compared with twentieth century pieces. 



In this remarkable view of the " Monitor s " turret, taken in July, 1862, is seen as clearly as on the day 
after the great battle the effect of the Confederate fire upon Ericsson s novel craft. As the two vessels ap 
proached each other about half-past eight on that immortal Sunday morning, the men within the turret 
waited anxiously for the first shot of their antagonist. It soon came from her bow gun and went wide of the 
mark. The "Virginia" no longer had the broadside of a wooden ship at which to aim. Not until the 
"Monitor" was alongside the big ironclad at close range came the order "Begin firing" to the men in the 
"cheese box." Then the gun-ports of the turret were triced back, and it began to revolve for the first time 
in battle. As soon as the guns were brought to bear, two 11-inch solid shot struck the "Virginia s" armor; 
almost immediately she replied with her broadside, and Lieutenant Greene and his gunners listened 
anxiously to the shells bursting against their citadel. They made no more impression than is apparent in 
the picture. Confident in the protection of their armor, the Federals reloaded with a will and came again 
and again to close quarters with their adversary, hurling two great projectiles about every eight minutes. 



Here on the deck of the 
"Monitor" sit some of the 
men who held up the hands of 
Lieutenant Worden in the 
great fight with the "Virginia." 
In the picture, taken in July, 
1862, only four months after 
ward, one of the nine famous 
dents on the turret are visible. 
It required courage not only to 
fight in the "Monitor" for the 
first time but to embark on her at 
all, for she was a strange and 
untried invention at which 
many high authorities shook 
their heads. But during the 
battle, amid all the difficulties 
of breakdowns by the new un 
tried machinery, Lieutenant S. 
Dana Greene coolly directed his 
men, who kept up a fire of 
remarkable accuracy. Twenty 
of the forty-one 11-inch shot 
fired from the "Monitor" took 
effect, more or less, on the iron 
plates of the "Virginia." The 


"Monitor" was struck nine 
times on her turret, twice on 
the pilot-house, thrice on the 
deck, and eight times on the 
side. While Greene was fight 
ing nobly in the turret, Wbrden 
with the helmsman in the pilot 
house was bravely maneuver 
ing his vessel and seeking to 
ram his huge antagonist. Twice 
he almost succeeded and both 
times Greene s guns were used 
on the "Virginia" at point- 
blank range with telling effect. 
Toward the close of the action 
Worden was blinded by a shell 
striking near one of the peep 
holes in the pilot-house and 
the command devolved upon 
Greene. Wbrden, even in his 
agony of pain while the doctor 
was attending his injuries, asked 
constantly about the progress of 
the battle; and when told that 
the " Minnesota " was safe, he 
said, "Then I can die happy." 







" Wlio is this Farragut? " So the younger generation of Americans must have wondered, at the news of late Janu 
ary, 1862. Farragut was to have a flag in the Gulf and was expected to capture New Orleans. Thus far in the 
War, he had done nothing but sit on an obscure retiring board in the Navy Department at Washington. But Com 
mander David D. Porter knew him, for it was with Porter s own father in the famous old "Essex" that Farragut 
as a mere boy had proved worthy to command a fighting ship. And now it was Porter who had recommended him 
for a task considered gravely dangerous by all, foolhardy by not a few. This was no less than to pass the forts 
below New Orleans, defeat a powerful and determined Confederate flotilla, capture the city, and then sweep up the 
Mississippi and split the Confederacy in two. To this Farragut rigidly held himself and the brave men under him, 
when, in the dark hour before dawn of April 24, 1862, they faced the terrible bombardment of the forts and fought 
their way through the flames of fire rafts desperately maneuvered by the opposing gunboats. Next day New Orleans 
was Farragut s. Leaving it to the co-operating army under General B. F. Butler, Farragut pushed on up the river, 
passed and repassed the fortifications at Vicksburg, but the army needed to drive home the wedge thus firmly en 
tered by the navy was not yet ready. It was another year before the sturdy blows of Farragut were effectually 
supplemented ashore. 



On this page of unwritten history McPherson and Oliver, the New 
Orleans war-time photographers, have caught the crew of the 
staunch old "Hartford" as they relaxed after their fiery test. In 
unconscious picturesqueness grouped about the spar-deck, the 
men are gossiping or telling over again their versions of the great 
deeds done aboard the flagship. Some have seized the opportunity 
for a little plain sewing, while all are interested in the new and 
unfamiliar process of "having their pictures taken." The nota 
ble thing about the picture is the 
number of young faces. Only a 
few of the old salts whose bearded 
and weather-beaten faces give evi 
dence of service in the old navy 
still remain. After the great 
triumph in Mobile Bay, Farragut 
said of these men: "I have 
never seen a crew come up like 
ours. They are ahead of the old 
set in small arms, and fully equal 
to them at the great guns. They 
arrived here a mere lot of boys 
and young men, and have now 


fattened up and knocked the nine-inch guns about like twenty- 
four pounders, to the astonishment of everybody. There was but 
one man who showed fear and he was allowed to resign. This was 
the most desperate battle I ever fought since the days of the old 
Essex. " "It was the anxious night of my life," wrote Farragut 
later. The spar-deck shown below recalls another speech. " Don t 
flinch from that fire, boys! There is a hotter fire for those who 
don t do their duty!" So shouted Farragut with his ship fast 

aground and a huge fire-raft held 
hard against her wooden side 
by the little Confederate tug 
"Mosher. " The ship seemed all 
ablaze and the men, "breathing 
fire," were driven from their guns. 
Farragut, calmly pacing the poop- 
deck, called out his orders, caring 
nothing for the rain of shot 
from Fort St. Philip. The men, 
inspired by such coolness, leaped 
to their stations again and soon 
a shot pierced the boiler of the 
plucky "Mosher" and sank her. 


A SHATTERED and discomfited army were the hosts of 
McDowell when they reached the banks of the Poto 
mac, after that ill-fated July Sunday at Bull Run. Dispirited 
by the sting of defeat, this motley and unorganized mass of 
men became rather a mob than an army. The transformation 
of this chaos of demoralization into the trained, disciplined, and 
splendid troops of the Grand Army of the Potomac, was a 
triumph of the " young Napoleon " Gen. George Brinton 
McClellan. Fresh from his victories in the mountains of West 
Virginia, he was called to Washington to transmute 200,000 
American citizens, fresh from shop and farm, into soldiers. 

For months it was " drill, drill." Public opinion grew 
restless at the cry " All s Quiet Along the Potomac." At last, 
on March 17th, McClellan moved. On April 5th the Union 
army was advancing toward Richmond up the Peninsula, but 
was stopped at Yorktown by the Confederate General 
Magruder. Not until May 3rd w^ere McClellan s siege guns in 
place. That night the Confederates evacuated. 

In hot pursuit the Union army followed. At Williams- 
burg the lines in Gray stood again. " Jeb " Stuart, D. H. 
Hill, and Jubal Early fought nobly. They gained their object 
more time for their retreating comrades. But McClellan s 
fighting leaders, Hooker, Kearny and Hancock, w r ere not to 
be denied. Williamsburg was occupied by the Federal army. 

With Yorktown and Williamsburg inscribed upon its 
victorious banners, the Army of the Potomac took up again 
its toilsome march from Cumberland Landing toward the 
Confederate capital on the James. 

It w r as the 16th of May, 1862, when the advanced corps 
reached White House, the ancestral home of the Lees. On 



A picture taken in the fall of 1861, when McClellan was at the headquarters of General George W. Morell 
(who stands at the extreme left), commanding a brigade in Fitz John Porter s Division. Morell was then 
stationed on the defenses of Washington at Minor s Hill in Virginia, and General McClellan was engaged 
in transforming the raw recruits in the camps near the national capital into the finished soldiers of the Army 
of the Potomac. "Little Mac," as they called him, was at this time at the height of his popularity. He 
appears in the center between two of his favorite aides-de-camp Lieut.-Cols. A. V. Colburn and N. B. 
>:ei whom he usually selected, he writes, "when hard riding is required." Farther to the right 
i^uished visitors the Prince de Joinville, son of King Louis Phillippe of France, and his 
* < >uiit de Paris, who wears the uniform of McClellan s staff, on which he was to serve through 
out the Peninsula Campaign. 

in ^ilt of 


every side were fields of wheat, and, were it not for the 
presence of one hundred thousand men, there was the promise 
of a full harvest. It was here that General McClellan took 
up his headquarters, a distance of twenty-four miles from 

In the Confederate capital a panic had seized the people. 
As the retreating army of Johnston sought the environs of 
Richmond and news of the invading hosts was brought in, fear 
took possession of the inhabitants and many wild rumors were 
afloat as to the probable capture of the city. But it was not 
a fear that Johnston would not fight. The strategic policy of 
the Southern general had been to delay the advance of the 
Northern army. Fortunately for him, the rainy weather 
proved a powerful ally. The time had now come when he 
should change his position from the defensive to the offensive. 
The Army of Northern Virginia had been brought to bay, and 
it now turned to beat off the invaders and save its capital. 

On the historic Peninsula lay two of the greatest and 
most splendid armies that had ever confronted each other 
on the field of battle. The engagement, now imminent, was 
to be the first in that series of contests, between the Army of 
the Potomac and the Army of Northern Virginia, ending 
three years thereafter, at Appomattox, when the war-worn 
veterans of gray should lay down their arms, in honor, to the 
war-worn veterans of blue. 

The Union advance was retarded by the condition of 
the weather and the roads. Between McClellan s position at 
White House and the waiting Confederate army lay the 
Chickahominy, an erratic and sluggish stream, that spreads 
itself out in wooded swamps and flows around many islands, 
forming a valley from half a mile to a mile wide, bordered 
by low bluffs. In dry weather it is but a mere brook, but a 
moderate shower will cause it to rise quickly and to offer 
formidable opposition to any army seeking its passage. The 
valley is covered with trees whose tops reach to the level of 


i 1 


RAMPARTS THAT BAFFLED McCLELLAN. (Hasty fortifications of 
the Confederates at Yorktown.) It was against such fortifications as 
these, which Magruder had hastily reenforced with sand-bags, that 
MoCIellan spent a month preparing his heavy batteries. Magruder had 
far too few soldiers to man his long line of defenses properly, and his 
position could have been taken by a single determined attack. This ram 
part was occupied by the Confederate general, D. H. Hill, who had been 
the first to enter Yorktown in order to prepare it for siege. He was the 
last to leave it on the night of May 3, 1862. 

WRECKED ORDNANCE. (Gun exploded by the Confederates on 
General Hill s rampart, Yorktown.) Although the Confederates aban 
doned 200 pieces of ordnance at Yorktown, they were able to render most 
of them useless before leaving. Hill succeeded in terrorizing the Federals 
with grape-shot, and some of this was left behind. After the evacuation 
the ramparts were overrun by Union trophy seekers. The soldier rest 
ing his hands upon his musket is one of the Zouaves whose bright and novel 
uniforms were so conspicuous early in the war. This spot was directly on 
the line of the British fortification of 1781. 

ANOTHER VOICELESS GUN. (Confederate ramparts southeast of 
Yorktown.) A 32-pounder Navy gun which had been burst, wrecking 
its embrasure. The Federal soldier seated on the sand-bags is on guard-duty 
to prevent camp-followers from looting the vacant fort. 

THE MISSING RIFLE. (Extensive sand-bag fortifications of the Con 
federates at Yorktown.) The shells and carriage were left behind by the 
Confederates, but the rifled gun to which they belonged was taken along 
in the retreat. Such pieces as they could not remove they spiked. 

erate battery in the entrenchments south of Yorktown.) The near gun 
is a 32-pounder navy; the far one, a 24-pounder siege-piece. More than 
3,000 pieces of naval ordnance fell into the hands of the Confederates 
early in the war, through the ill-advised and hasty abandonment of 
Norfolk Navy Yard by the Federals. Many of these guns did service 
at Yorktown and subsequently on the James River against the Union. 

Magruder, Yorktown.) Looking north up the river, four of the five 
8-inch Columbiads composing this section of the battery are visible. The 
grape-shot and spherical shells, which had been gathered in quantities to 
prevent <j Federal fleet from passing up the river, were abandoned on the 
hasty retreat of the Confederates, the guns being spiked. The vessels in 
the river are transport ships, with the exception of the frigate justoff shore. 





the adjacent highlands, thus forming a screen from either 
side. The bridges crossing it had all been destroyed by the 
retreating army except the one at Mechanicsville, and it was 
not an easy task that awaited the forces of McClellan as they 
made their way across the spongy soil. 

The van of the Union army reached the Chickahominy 
on May 20th. The bridge was gone but the men under Gen 
eral Naglee forded the little river, reaching the plateau beyond, 
and made a bold reconnaissance before the Confederate lines. 
In the meantime, newly constructed bridges were beginning 
to span the Chickahominy, and the Federal army soon was 
crossing to the south bank of the river. 

General McClellan had been promised reenforcements 
from the north. General McDowell with forty thousand men 
had started from Fredericksburg to join him north of the 
Chickahominy. For this reason, General McClellan had 
thrown the right wing of his army on the north of the river 
while his left would rest on the south side of the stream. This 
position of his army did not escape the eagle eye of the Con 
federate general, Joseph E. Johnston, who believed the time 
had now come to give battle, and perhaps destroy the small 
portion of the Union forces south of the river. 

Meanwhile, General " Stonewall " Jackson, in the Shen- 
andoah, was making threatening movements in the direction of 
Washington, and McDowell s orders to unite with McClellan 
were recalled. 

The roads in and about Richmond radiate from that city 
like the spokes of a wheel. One of these is the Williams- 
burg stage-road, crossing the Chickahominy at Bottom s 
Bridge, only eleven miles from Richmond. It was along this 
road that the Federal corps of Keyes and Heintzelman had 
made their way. Their orders were "to go prepared for bat 
tle at a moment s notice " and " to bear in mind that the Army 
of the Potomac has never been checked." 

Parallel to this road, and about a mile to the northward, 


The North expected General Mc- 
Clellan to possess himself of this 
citadel of the Confederacy in June, 
1862, and it seemed likely the ex 
pectation would be realized. In 
the upper picture we get a near 
view of the State House at Rich 
mond, part of which was occupied 
as a Capitol by the Confederate 
Congress during the war. In this 
building were stored the records 
and archives of the Confederate 
Government, many of which were 



Here are the portraits of the two military 
leaders who were conspicuous in the Confed 
erate attack upon McClellan s camp at Fair 
Oaks. General D. H. Hill did most of the fierce 
fighting which drove back the Federals on the 
first day, and only the timely arrival of Sum- 
ner s troops enabled the Federals to hold their 
ground. Had they failed they would have 
been driven into the morasses of the Chicka- 
hominy, retreat across which would have been 
difficult as the bridges were partly submerged 
by the swollen stream. After General Johnston 
was wounded, General G. W. Smith was in 
command during the second day s fighting. 

lost during the hasty retreat of 
President Davis and his cabinet 
at the evacuation of Richmond, 
April, 1865. Below, we see the 
city of Richmond from afar, with 
the Capitol standing out boldly on 
the hill. McClellan was not des 
tined to reach this coveted goal, 
and it would not have meant the 
fall of the Confederacy had he then 
done so. When Lincoln entered 
the building in 1865, the Con 
federacy had been beaten as much 
by the blockade as by the opera 
tions of Grant and Sherman with 
vastly superior torces. 



atr ODaks in 



runs the Richmond and York River Railroad. Seven miles 
from Richmond another highway intersects the one from Wil- 
liamsburg, known as the Nine Mile road. At the point of this 
intersection once grew a clump of seven pines, hence the name 
of " Seven Pines," often given to the battle fought on this spot. 
A thousand yards beyond the pines were two farmhouses in 
a grove of oaks. This was Fair Oaks Farm. Where the 
Nine Mile road crossed the railroad was Fair Oaks Station. 

Southeast of Seven Pines was White Oak Swamp. 
Casey s division of Keyes corps was stationed at Fair Oaks 
Farm. A fifth of a mile in front lay his picket line, extend 
ing crescent shape, from the swamp to the Chickahominy. 
Couch s division of the same corps was at Seven Pines, with 
his right wing extending along the Nine Mile road to Fair 
Oaks Station. Heintzelman s corps lay to the rear; Kearney s 
division guarded the railroad at Savage s Station and Hook 
er s the approaches to the White Oak Swamp. This formed 
three lines of defense. It was a well-wooded region and at 
this time was in many places no more than a bog. No sooner 
had these positions been taken, than trees were cut to form 
abatis, rifle-pits were hastily dug, and redoubts for placing 
artillery were constructed. The picket line lay along a dense 
growth of woods. Through an opening in the trees, the Con 
federate army could be seen in force on the other side of the 

The plans of the Confederate general were well matured. 
On Friday, May 30th, he gave orders that his army should 
be ready to move at daybreak. 

That night the " windows of heaven seemed to have been 
opened " and the " fountains of the deep broken up." The 
storm fell like a deluge. It was the most violent storm that 
had swept over that region for a generation. Throughout 
the night the tempest raged. The thunderbolts rolled with 
out cessation. The sky was white with the electric flashes. 
The earth was thoroughly drenched. The lowlands became a 




Here, almost within sight of the goal (Richmond), we see McCle n an s soldiers preparing the way for the passage of the army and its 
supplies. The soil along the Chiekahominy was so marshy that in order to move the supply trains and artillery from the base at 
"White House and across the river to the army, corduroy approaches to the bridges had to be built. It was well that the men got this 
early practice in road-building. Thanks to the work kept up, McClellan was able to unite the divided wings of the army almost at will 

Copyright by Patriot Pub. Co. 


These trained soldiers lived up to the promise in their firm-set features. Major Hays and five of his Lieutenants and Captains 
here Pennington, Tidball, Hains, Robertson and Barlow had, by 65, become general officers. From left to right (standing) 
are Edw. Pendleton, A. C. M. Pennington, Henry Benson, H. M. Gibson, J. M. Wilson, J. C. Tidball, W. N. Dennison; (sitting) 
P. C. Hains, H. C. Gibson. Wm. Hays, J. M. Robertson, J. W. Barlow; (on ground) R. H. Chapin, Robert Clarke, A. C. Vincent. 

air QDaka 3ht 





morass. From mud-soaked beds the soldiers arose the next 
morning to battle. 

Owing to the storm the Confederates did not move so 
early as intended. However, some of the troops were in readi 
ness by eight o clock. Hour after hour the forces of Long- 
street and Hill awaited the sound of the signal-gun that would 
tell them General Huger was in his position to march. Still 
they waited. It was near noon before General Hill, weary of 
waiting, advanced to the front, preceded by a line of skir 
mishers, along the Williamsburg road. The Union pickets 
were lying at the edge of the forest. The soldiers in the pits 
had been under arms for several hours awaiting the attack. 
Suddenly there burst through the woods the soldiers of the 
South. A show r er of bullets fell beneath the trees and the 
Union pickets gave way. On and on came the lines of gray 
in close columns. In front of the abatis had been planted a 
battery of four guns. General Naglee with four regiments, 
the Fifty-sixth and One hundredth New York and Eleventh 
Maine and One hundred and fourth Pennsylvania, had gone 
forward, and in the open field met the attacking army. The 
contest was a stubborn one. Naglee s men charged with their 
bayonets and pressed the gray lines back again to the edge 
of the woods. Here they were met by a furious fire of mus 
ketry and quickly gave way, seeking the cover of the rifle- 
pits at Fair Oaks Farm. The Confederate infantrymen came 
rushing on. 

But again they were held in check. In this position, for 
nearly three hours the Federals waged an unequal combat 
against three times their number. Then, suddenly a galling 
fire plowed in on them from the left. It came from Rains 
brigade, which had executed a flank movement. At the same 
time the brigade of Rodes rushed toward them. The Federals 
saw the hopelessness of the situation. The officers at the bat 
teries tried to spike their guns but were killed in the attempt. 
Hastily falling back, five guns were left to be turned on them 



Friends and even relatives who had been enlisted on opposite sides in the great Civil War met each other during its vicissitudes upon 
the battle-field. Here, caught by the camera, is one of the many instances. On the left sits Lieutenant J. B. Washington, C. S. A., who 
was an aide to General Johnston at Fair Oaks. Beside him sits Lieutenant George A. Custer, of the Fifth U. S. Cavalry, aide on 
McClellan s staff, later famous cavalry general and Indian fighter. Both men were West Point graduates and had attended the mili 
tary academy together. On the morning of May 31, 1862, at Fair Oaks, Lieutenant Washington was captured by some of General 
Casey s pickets. Later in the day his former classmate ran across him and a dramatic meeting was thus recorded by the camera. 

air QDaka 3Jn ^tgljt nf ftidptumft 



in their retreat. This move was not too soon. In another 
minute they would have been entirely surrounded and cap 
tured. The gray lines pressed on. The next stand would be 
made at Seven Pines, where Couch was stationed. The forces 
here had been weakened by sending relief to Casey. The situa 
tion of the Federals was growing critical. At the same time 
General Longstreet sent reenforcements to General Hill. 
Couch was forced out of his position toward the right in the 
direction of Fair Oaks Station and was thus separated from 
the main body of the army, then in action. 

The Confederates pushed strongly against the Federal 
center. Heintzelman came to the rescue. The fight waged 
was a gallant one. For an hour and a half the lines of blue 
and gray surged back and forth. The Federals were gradu 
ally giving way. The left wing, alone, next to the White Oak 
Swamp, was holding its own. 

At the same time over at Fair Oaks Station whither 
Couch had been forced, were new developments. He was 
about to strike the Confederate army on its left flank, but just 
when the guns were being trained, there burst across the road 
the troops of General G. W. Smith, who up to this time had 
been inactive. These men were fresh for the fight, superior in 
number, and soon overpowered the Northerners. It looked 
for a time as if the whole Union army south of the Chickahom- 
iny was doomed. 

Over at Seven Pines the center of McClellan s army was 
about to be routed. Now it was that General Heintzelman 
personally collected about eighteen hundred men, the frag 
ments of the broken regiments, and took a decided stand at 
the edge of the timber. He was determined not to give way. 
But this alone would not nor did not save the day. To the 
right of this new line of battle, there was a rise of ground. 
From here the woods abruptly sloped to the rear. If this ele 
vation were once secured by the Confederates, all would be 
lost and rout would be inevitable. The quick eye of General 


; / 




As soon as Professor Lowe s balloon soars above the top of the trees the Confederate batteries will open upon him, and for the next 
few moments shells and bullets from the shrapnels will be bursting and whistling about his ears. Then he will pass out of the danger- 
zone to an altitude beyond the reach of the Confederate artillery. After the evacuation of Yorktown, May 4, 1862, Professor Lowe, 
who had been making daily observations from his balloon, followed McClellan s divisions, which was to meet Longstreet next day at 
Williamsburg. On reaching the fortifications of the abandoned city, Lowe directed the men who were towing the still inflated balloon 
in which he was riding to scale the corner of the fort nearest to his old camp, where the last gun had been fired the night before. This 
fort had devoted a great deal of effort to attempting to damage the too inquisitive balloon, and a short time previously one of the best 
Confederate guns had burst, owing to over-charging and too great an elevation to reach the high altitude. The balloonist had witnessed 
the explosion and a number of gunners had been killed and wounded within his sight. His present visit was in order to touch and 
examine the pieces and bid farewell to what he then looked upon as a departed friend. This is indicated as the same gun on page 371. 





Keyes took in the situation. He was stationed on the left; to 
reach the hill would necessitate taking his men between the 
battle-lines. The distance was nearly eight hundred yards. 
Calling on a single regiment to follow he made a dash for 
the position. The Southern troops, divining his intention, 
poured a deadly volley into his ranks and likewise attempted 
to reach this key to the situation. The Federals gained the 
spot just in time. The new line was formed as a heavy mass 
of Confederates came upon them. The tremendous Union fire 
was too much for the assaulting columns, which were checked. 
They had forced the Federal troops back from their entrench 
ments a distance of two miles, but they never got farther than 
these woods. The river fog now came up as the evening fell 
and the Southern troops spent the night in the captured camps, 
sleeping on their arms. The Federals fell back toward the 
river to an entrenched camp. 

Meanwhile at Fair Oaks Station the day was saved, 
too, in the nick of time, for the Federals. On the north side 
of the Chickahominy were stationed the two divisions of 
Sedgwick and Richardson, under command of General Sum- 
ner. Scarcely had the battle opened when McClellan at his 
headquarters, six miles away, heard the roar and rattle of 
artillery. He was sick at the time, but he ordered General 
Sumner to be in readiness. At this time there were four 
bridges across the river two of them were Bottom s Bridge 
and the railroad bridge. To go by either of these would con 
sume too much time in case of an emergency. General Sum 
ner had himself constructed two more bridges, lying between 
the others. The heavy flood of the preceding night, which was 
still rising, had swept one of these partially away. In order 
to save time, he put his men under arms and marched them 
to the end of the upper bridge and there waited throughout 
the greater part of the afternoon for orders to cross. Before 
them rolled a muddy and swollen stream, above whose flood 
was built a rude and unstable structure. From the other side 


"When I saw the photograph showing my inflation of the balloon Intrepid to reconnoiter the battle of 
Fair Oaks," wrote Professor T. S. C. Lowe in the American Review of Reviews for February, 1911, "it sur 
prised me very much indeed. Any one examining the picture will see my hand at the extreme right, resting 
on the network, where I was measuring the amount of gas already in the balloon, preparatory to completing 
the inflation from gas in the smaller balloon in order that I might ascent to a greater height. This I did 
within a space of five minutes, saving a whole hour at the most vital point of the battle." A close examina 
tion of this photograph will reveal Professor Lowe s hand resting on the network of the balloon, although his 
body is not in the photograph. It truly is remarkable that Professor Lowe should have seen and recognized, 
nearly half a century afterward, this photograph taken at one of the most critical moments of his life. 

atr as 

could be distinctly heard the roar of battle. The fate of the 
day and of the Army of the Potomac rested upon these men 
at the end of the bridge. 

The possibility of crossing was doubted by everyone, 
including the general himself. The bridge had been built of 
logs, held together and kept from drifting by the stumps of 
trees. Over the river proper it was suspended by ropes at 
tached to trees, felled across the stream. 

At last the long-expected order to advance came. The 
men stepped upon the floating bridge. It swayed to and fro 
as the solid column passed over it. Beneath the men 
was the angry flood which would engulf all if the bridge 
should fall. Gradually the weight pressed it down between 
the solid stumps and it was made secure till the army had 
crossed. Had the passage been delayed another hour the flood 
would have rendered it impassable. 

Guided by the roar of battle the troops hurried on. The 
artillery was left behind in the mud of the Chickahominy. 
The steady, rolling fire of musketry and the boom of cannon 
told of deadly work in front. It was nearly six o clock before 
Sedgwick s column deployed into line in the rear of Fair Oaks 
Station. They came not too soon. Just now there was a lull 
in the battle. The Confederates were gathering themselves 
for a vigorous assault on their opponents flaming front. 
Their lines were re-forming. General Joseph E. Johnston 
himself had immediate command. President Jefferson Davis 
had come out from his capital to witness the contest. Rap 
idly the Confederates moved forward. A heavy fusillade 
poured from their batteries and muskets. Great rents were 
made in the line of blue. It did not waver. The openings were 
quickly filled and a scorching fire was sent into the approach 
ing columns. Again and again the charge was repeated only 
to be repulsed. Then came the order to fix bayonets. Five 
regiments Thirty-fourth and Eighty-second New York, Fif 
teenth and Twentieth Massachusetts and Seventh Michigan 


J ....&._ 


Over this ground the fiercest fighting 
of the two days battle took place, on 
May 31, 1862. Some 400 soldiers 
were buried here, where they fell, and 
their hastily dug graves appear plain 
ly in the picture. In the redoubt seen 
just beyond the two houses was the 
center of the Federal line of battle, 
equi-distant, about a mile and a half, 
from both Seven Pines and Fair Oaks. 
The entrenchments near these farm 
dwellings were begun on May 28th by 
Casey s Division, 4th Corps. There 
was not time to finish them before 
the Confederate attack opened the 
battle, and the artillery of Casey s 
Division was hurriedly placed in po 
sition behind the incomplete works. 


In the smaller picture we see the inside 
of the redoubt at the left background 
of the picture above. The scene is just 
before the battle and picks and shov 
els were still busy throwing up the 
embankments to strengthen this cen 
ter of the Federal defense. Casey s ar 
tillery was being hurriedly brought up. 
In the background General Sickles 
Brigade appears drawn up in line of 
battle. When the Confederates first 
advanced Casey s artillery did telling 
work, handsomely repelling the attack 
early in the afternoon of May 31st. 
Later in the day Confederate sharp 
shooters from vantage points in neigh 
boring trees began to pick off the 
officers and the gunners and the re 
doubt had to be relinquished. The 
abandoned guns were turned against 
the retreating Federals. 


On the afternoon of May 31st, at Fair Oaks, the Confederates were driving the Federal soldiers through the woods in disorder when 
this battery (McCarthy s) i :th Miller s batten opened up with so continuous and severe a fire that the Federals wereablel 

make a stand and hold tin for the rest of tli.> <i . The guns grew so hot from constant firing that it was only with the greatest 

care that they could be s\ thworks were thrown up for McCarthy s Battery, Company C, 1st Pennsyl 

vania Artillery, near Suva ; ..... The i named it the " Redhot Battery." 

air QDaks 3ht 

of Sttdfttumin 


pushed to the front. Into the woods where the Confed 
erates had fallen back the charge was made. Driving the 
Southern lines back in confusion, these dashing columns saved 
the day for the Army of the Potomac. 

Night was now settling over the wooded field. Here and 
there flashes of light could be seen among the oaks, indicat 
ing a diligent search for the wounded. General Johnston 
ordered his troops to sleep on the field. A few minutes later 
he was struck by a rifle-ball and almost immediately a shell 
hit him, throwing him from his horse, and he was borne off 
the field. The first day of the battle was over. 

The disability of the Southern commander made it possi 
ble for the promotion of a new leader upon whom the fortunes 
of the Army of Northern Virginia w r ould soon rest. This was 
General Robert E. Lee; although the immediate command for 
the next day s contest fell upon General G. W. Smith. Early 
Sunday morning the battle was again in progress. The com 
mand of Smith, near Fair Oaks Station, advanced down the 
railroad, attacking Richardson, whose lines were north of 
it and were using the embankment as a fortification. Long- 
street s men were south of the railroad. The firing was 
heavy all along this line, the opposing forces being not more 
than fifty yards from each other. For an hour and a half the 
musketry fire was intensely heavy. It was, indeed, a continu 
ous roar. The line of gray could not withstand the galling 
fire and for the first time that day fell back. But the Union 
line had been broken, too. A brief lull ensued. Both sides 
were gathering themselves for another onslaught. It was then 
that there were heard loud shouts from the east of the railroad. 

There, coming through the woods, was a large body of 
Federal troops. They were the men of Hooker. They formed 
a magnificent body of soldiers and seemed eager for the fray. 
Turning in on the Williamsburg road they rapidly deployed 
to the right and the left. In front of them was an open field, 
with a thick wood on the other side. The Confederates had 

A \ 


Here we see the beginning of the lull in the fighting of the 
second day at Fair Oaks, which it has been asserted led to a fatal 
delay and the ruin of McClellan s Peninsula Campaign. The 
first day s battle at Fair Oaks, May 31, 1862, was decidedly a 
Federal reverse which would have developed into a rout had not 
Suraner, crossing his troops on 
the perilous Grapevine Bridge, 
come up in time to rally the 
retreating men. Here we 
see some of them within 
the entrenchments at Fair 
Oaks Station on the Rich 
mond & York River Rail 
road. The order will soon 
come to cease firing at the 
end of the second day s fight- 
of which was to 
rive the Confederates back to 
Meridian did not 
The heavy rainstorm 
on the night of May 30f h had 
made . ., ..^.t ,;, artil- 

nely difficult, afnd 

A-tiite-- to complete 

the bridges and build entrenchments 
This delay gave the Confederates time 
forces and place them under the new 
E. Lee, who while McClellan lay 

junction with " Stonewall 

before advancing, 
to reorganize their 
commander, Robert 
inactive effected a 
Jackson. Then during the 
Seven Days Battles 
Lee steadily drove McClellan 
from his position, within four 
or five miles of Richmond, to a 
new position on the James 
River. From this secure and 
advantageous water base Mc 
Clellan planned a new line 
of advance upon the Confeder 
ate Capital. In the smaller 
picture we see the interior of 
the works at Fair Oaks Station, 
which were named Fort Sum- 
ner in honor of the General who 
brought up his Second Corps 
and saved the day. The camp 
of the Second Corps is seen 
beyond the fortifications to 
the right. 


air (S)aka 3ln 

of Strljmonb 




posted themselves in this forest and were waiting for their 
antagonists. The Federals marched upon the field in double- 
quick time; their movements became a run, and they began 
firing as they dashed forward. They were met by a withering 
fire of field artillery and a wide gap being opened in their 
ranks. It immediately filled. They reached the edge of the 
woods and as they entered its leafy shadows the tide of battle 
rolled in with them. The front line was lost to view in the 
forest, except for an occasional gleam of arms from among the 
trees. The din and the clash and roar of battle were heard for 
miles. Bayonets were brought into use. It was almost a 
\\ \\\\\\%^ hand-to-hand combat in the heavy forest and tangled slashings. 
The sound of battle gradually subsided, then ceased except for 
the intermittent reports of small arms, and the second day s 
fight was over. W///A. 

The Confederate forces withdrew toward Richmond. The 
Federal troops could now occupy without molestation the posi 
tions they held the previous morning. The forest paths were 
strewn with the dead and the dying. Many of the wounded 
were compelled to lie under the scorching sun for hours before 
help reached them. Every farmhouse became an improvised 
hospital where the suffering soldiers lay. Many were placed 
upon cars and taken across the Chickahominy. The dead 
horses were burned. The dead soldiers, blue and gray, found 
sometimes lying within a few feet of each other, w r ere buried 
on the field of battle. The two giants had met in their first 
great combat and were even now beginning to gird up their 
loins for a desperate struggle before the capital of the Con 






Here are drawn up Harry Benson s Battery A, of the Second United States Artillery, and Horatio Gates 
Gibson s Batteries C and G, combined of the Third United States Artillery, near Fair Oaks, Virginia. They 
arrived there just too late to take part in the battle of June, 1862. By "horse artillery, " or " flying artillery " 
as it is sometimes called, is meant an organization equipped usually with 10-pounder rifled guns, with all 
hands mounted. In ordinary light artillery the cannoneers either ride on the gun-carriage or go afoot. In 
" flying artillery " each cannoneer has a horse. This form is by far the most mobile of all, and is best suited to 
accompany cavalry on account of its ability to travel rapidly. With the exception of the method of mounting 
the cannoneers, there was not any difference between the classes of field batteries except as they were divided 
between "light" and "heavy. " In the photograph above no one is riding on the gun-carriages, but all have 
separate mounts. Battery A of the Second United States Artillery was in Washington in January, 1861, and 
took part in the expedition for the relief of Fort Pickens, Florida. It went to the Peninsula, fought at Me- 
chanicsville May 23-24, 1862, and took part in the Seven Days battles before Richmond June 25th to July 
1st. Batteries C and G of the Third United States Artillery were at San Francisco, California, till October 
1861, when they came East, and also went to the Peninsula and served at Yorktown and in the Seven Days. 


Always mystify, mislead, and surprise the enemy, if possible, and 
when you strike and overcome him, never let up in the pursuit so long as 
your m^n have strength to follow. . . . The other rule is, never fight 
against heavy odds, if by any possible maneuvering you can hurl your 
own force on only a part, and that the weakest part, of your enemy and 
crush it. Such tactics will win every time, and a small army may thus 
destroy a large one in detail. "Stonewall" Jackson. 

THE main move of the Union army, for 1862, was to be 
McClellan s advance up the Peninsula toward Rich 
mond. Everything had been most carefully planned by the 
brilliant strategist. With the assistance of McDowell s corps, 
he expected in all confidence to be in the Confederate capital 
before the spring had closed. But, comprehensively as he had 
worked the scheme out, he had neglected a factor in the prob 
lem which was destined in the end to bring the whole campaign 
to naught. This was the presence of " Stonewall " Jackson 
in the Valley of Virginia. 

The strategic value to the Confederacy of this broad, shel 
tered avenue into Maryland and Pennsylvania was great. 
Along the northeasterly roads the gray legions could march 
in perfect safety upon the rear of Washington so long as the 
eastern gaps could be held. No wonder that the Federal au 
thorities, however much concerned with other problems of the 
war, never removed a vigilant eye from the Valley. 

Jackson had taken possession of Winchester, near the 
foot of the Valley, in November, 1861. He then had about 
ten thousand men. The Confederate army dwindled greatly 
during the winter. At the beginning of March there were but 
forty-five hundred men. With Banks and his forty thousand 
now on Virginia soil at the foot of the Valley, and Fremont s 




It is the great good fortune of American hero-lovers that they can gaze here upon 
the features of Thomas Jonathan Jackson precisely as that brilliant Lieutenant- 
General of the Confederate States Army appeared during his masterly "Valley 
Campaign" of 1862. Few photographers dared to approach this man, whose 
silence and modesty were as deep as his mastery of warfare. Jackson lived much 
to himself. Indeed, his plans were rarely known even to his immediate subordi 
nates, and herein lay the secret of those swift and deadly surprises that raised him 
to first rank among the world s military figures. Jackson s ability and efficiency 
won the utter confidence of his ragged troops; and their marvelous forced 
marches, their contempt for privations if under his guidance, put into his hands 
a living weapon such as no other leader in the mighty conflict had ever wielded. 

army approaching the head, why should the Federal com 
mander even think about this insignificant fragment of his foe? 
But the records of war have shown that a small force, guided 
by a master mind, sometimes accomplishes more in effective 
results than ten times the number under a less active and able 

The presence of Banks compelled Jackson to withdraw 
to Woodstock, fifty miles south of Winchester. If McClellan 
ever experienced any anxiety as to affairs in the Valley, it 
seems to have left him now, for he ordered Banks to Manassas 
on March 16th to cover Washington, leaving General Shields 
and his division of seven thousand men to hold the Valley. 
When Jackson heard of the withdrawal, he resolved that, cut 
off as he was from taking part in the defense of Richmond, he 
would do what he could to prevent any aggrandizement of 
McClellan s forces. 

Shields hastened to his station at Winchester, and Jack 
son, on the 23d of March, massed his troops at Kernstown, 
about three miles south of the former place. Deceived as to the 
strength of his adversary, he led his weary men to an attack 
on Shields right flank about three o clock in the afternoon. 
He carried the ridge where the Federals were posted, but the 
energy of his troops was spent, and they had to give way to 
the reserves of the Union army after three hours of stubborn 
contest. The Federal ranks were diminished by six hundred; 
the Confederate force by more than seven hundred. Kerns- 
town was a Union victory; yet never in history did victory 
bring such ultimate disaster upon the victors. 

At Washington the alarm was intense over Jackson s 
audacious attack. Williams division of Banks troops was 
halted on its way to Manassas and sent back to Winchester. 
Mr. Lincoln transferred Blenker s division, nine thousand 
strong, to Fremont. These things were done at once, but they 
were by no means the most momentous consequence of Kerns- 
town. The President began to fear that Jackson s goal was 


The women of the mountain districts of Virginia were as ready to do scout and spy work for the Con 
federate leaders as were their men-folk. Famous among these fearless girls who knew every inch of the 
regions in which they lived was Nancy Hart. So valuable was her work as a guide, so cleverly and often 
had she led Jackson s cavalry upon the Federal outposts in West Virginia, that the Northern Govern 
ment offered a large reward for her capture. Lieutenant-Colonel Starr of the Ninth West Virginia 
finally caught her at Summerville in July, 1862. While in a temporary prison, she faced the camera for 
the first time in her life, displaying more alarm in front of the innocent contrivance than if it had been a 
body of Federal soldiery. She posed for an itinerant photographer, and her captors placed the hat 
decorated with a military feather upon her head. Nancy managed to get hold of her guard s musket, 
shot him dead, and escaped on Colonel Starr s horse to the nearest Confederate detachment. A few 
days later, July 25th, she led two hundred troopers under Major Bailey to Summerville. They reached 
the town at four in the morning, completely surprising two companies of the Ninth West Virginia. They 
fired three houses, captured Colonel Starr, Lieutenant Stivers and other officers, and a large number 
of the men, and disappeared immediately over the Sutton road. The Federals made no resistance. 

Washington. After consulting six of his generals he became 
convinced that McClellan had not arranged proper protection 
for the city. Therefore, McDowell and his corps of thirty- 
seven thousand men were ordered to remain at Manassas. 
The Valley grew to greater importance in the Federal eyes. 
Banks was made entirely independent of McClellan and the 
defense of this region became his sole task. McClellan, to his 
great chagrin, saw his force depleted by forty-six thousand 
men. There were now four Union generals in the East oper 
ating independently one of the other. 

General Ewell with eight thousand troops on the upper 
Rappahannock and General Johnson with two brigades were 
now ordered to cooperate with Jackson. These reenforce- 
ments were badly needed. Schenck and Milroy, of Fremont s 
corps, began to threaten Johnson. Banks, with twenty thou 
sand, was near Harrisonburg. 

The Confederate leader left General Ewell to watch 
Banks while he made a dash for Milroy and Schenck. He 
fought them at McDowell on May 8th and they fled precipi 
tately to rejoin Fremont. The swift-acting Jackson now darted 
at Banks, who had fortified himself at Strasburg. Jackson 
stopped long enough to be joined by Ewell. He did not attack 
Strasburg, but stole across the Massanutten Mountain un 
known to Banks, and made for Front Royal, where a strong 
Union detachment was stationed under Colonel Kenly. Early 
on the afternoon of May 23d, Ewell rushed from the forest. 
Kenly and his men fled before them toward Winchester. A 
large number were captured by the cavalry before they had 
gotten more than four miles away. 

Banks at Strasburg realized that Jackson was approach 
ing from the rear, the thing he had least expected and had 
made no provision for. His fortifications protected his front 
alone. There was nothing to be done but retreat to Win 
chester. Even that was prevented by the remarkable speed 
of Jackson s men, who could march as much as thirty-five 



, i 


















































, _j 











































































































P i 


























































Alarm at 


miles a day. On May 24th, the Confederates overtook and 
struck the receding Union flank near Newtown, inflicting 
heavy loss and taking many prisoners. Altogether, three thou 
sand of Banks men fell into Jackson s hands. 

This exploit was most opportune for the Southern arms. 
It caused the final ruin of McClellan s hopes. Banks received 
one more attack from Swell s division the next day as he 
passed through Winchester on his way to the shelter of the 
Potomac. He crossed at Williamsport late the same evening 
and wrote the President that his losses, though serious enough, 
might have been far worse " considering the very great dis 
parity of forces engaged, and the long-matured plans_ of the 
enemy, which aimed at nothing less than entire capture of our 
force." Mr. Lincoln now rescinded his resolution to send Mc 
Dowell to McClellan. Instead, he transferred twenty thou 
sand of the former s men to Fremont and informed McClellan 
that he was not, after all, to have the aid of McDowell s forty 
thousand men. 

Fremont was coming from the west; Shields lay in the 
other direction, but Jackson was not the man to be trapped. 
He managed to hold Fremont while he marched his main 
force quickly up the Valley. At Port Republic he drove Car 
roll s brigade of Shields division away and took possession 
of a bridge which Colonel Carroll had neglected to burn. 
Fremont in pursuit was defeated by Ewell at Cross Keys. 
Jackson immediately put his force of twelve thousand over the 
Shenandoah at Port Republic and burned the bridge. Safe 
from the immediate attack by Fremont, he fell upon Tyler 
and Carroll, who had not more than three thousand men be 
tween them. The Federals made a brave stand, but after 
many hours fighting were compelled to retreat. Jackson 
emerged through Swift Run Gap on the 17th of June, to assist 
in turning the Union right on the Peninsula, and Banks and 
Shields, baffled and checkmated at every move, finally withdrew 
from the Valley. 

^ /^m\\\\\\l 






McClellarfs one hope, one purpose, was to march his army out of 
the swamps and escape from the ceaseless Confederate assaults to a point 
on James River where the resistless fire of the gunboats, might protect his 
men from further attack and give them a chance to rest. To that end, 
he retreated night and day, standing at bay now and then as the hunted 
stag does, and fighting desperately for the poor privilege of running away. 

And the splendid fighting of his men was a tribute to the skill and 
genius with which he had created an effective army out of what he had 
described as " regiments cowering upon the banks of the Potomac, some 
perfectly raw, others dispirited by recent defeat, others going home." 
Out of a demoralized and disorganized mass reenforced by utterly un 
trained civilians, McClellan had within a few months created an army 
capable of stubbornly contesting every inch of ground even while effecting 
a retreat the very thought of which might well have disorganized an army. 
George Gary Eggleston, in " The History of the Confederate War" 

ENERAL LEE was determined that the operations in 
VJT front of Richmond should not degenerate into a siege, 
and that the Army of Northern Virginia should no longer be 
on the defensive. To this end, early in the summer of 1862, 
he proceeded to increase his fighting force so as to make it more 
nearly equal in number to that of his antagonist. Every man 
who could be spared from other sections of the South was called 
to Richmond. Numerous earthworks soon made their appear 
ance along the roads and in the fields about the Confederate 
capital, giving the city the appearance of a fortified camp. 
The new commander in an address to the troops said that the 
army had made its last retreat. 

Mean while, with the spires of Richmond in view, the 
Army of the Potomac was acclimating itself to a Virginia 
summer. The whole face of the country for weeks had been a 



iaga (Ulf? (Enttfrforate Capital 

veritable bog. Now that the sweltering heat of June was com 
ing on, the malarious swamps were fountains of disease. The 
polluted waters of the sluggish streams soon began to tell on 
the health of the men. Malaria and typhoid were prevalent; 
the hospitals were crowded, and the death rate was appalling. 

Such conditions were not inspiring to either general or 
army. McClellari was still hoping for substantial reenforce- 
ments. McDowell, with his forty thousand men, had been 
promised him, but he was doomed to disappointment from that 
source. Yet in the existing state of affairs he dared not be 
inactive. South of the Chickahominy, the army was almost 
secure from surprise, owing to well-protected rifle-pits flanked 
by marshy thickets or covered with felled trees. But the Fed 
eral forces were still divided by the fickle stream, and this was 
a constant source of anxiety to the commander. He proceeded 
to transfer all of his men to the Richmond side of the river, 
excepting the corps of Franklin and Fitz John Porter. About 
the middle of June, General McCall with a force of eleven 
thousand men joined the Federal army north of the Chicka 
hominy, bringing the entire fighting strength to about one 
hundred and five thousand. So long as there remained the 
slightest hope of additional soldiers, it was impossible to with 
draw all of the army from the York side of the Peninsula, and 
it remained divided. 

That was a brilliant initial stroke of the Confederate gen 
eral when he sent his famous cavalry leader, J. E. B. Stuart, 
with about twelve hundred Virginia troopers, to encircle the 
army of McClellan. Veiling his intentions with the utmost 
secrecy, Stuart started June 12, 1862, in the direction of Fred- 
ericksburg as if to reenforce " Stonewall " Jackson. The first 
night he bivouacked in the pine woods of Hanover. No fires 
were kindled, and when the morning dawned, his men swung 
upon their mounts without the customary bugle-call of " Boots 
and Saddles." Turning to the east, he surprised and captured 
a Federal picket; swinging around a corner of the road, he 



In General McCIellan s plan for the Peninsula Campaign of 1862, General McDowell, with the First Army 
Corps of 37,000 men, was assigned a m st important part, that of joining him before Richmond. Lincoln had 
reluctantly consented to the plan, fearing sufficient protection was not provided for Washington. By the 
battle of Kernstown, March 23d, in the Valley of Virginia, Jackson, though defeated, so alarmed the Ad 
ministration that McDowell was ordered to remain at Manassas to protect the capital. The reverse at Kerns- 
town was therefore a real triumph for Jackson, but with his small force he had to keep up the game of holding 
McDowell, Banks, and Fremont from reenforcing McClellan. If he failed, 80,000 troops might move up to 
Richmond from the west while McClellan was approaching from the North. But Jackson, on May 23d and 
25th, surprised Banks forces at Front Royal and Winchester, forcing a retreat to the Potomac. At the news 
of this event McDowell was ordered not to join McClellan in front of Richmond. 

iaya If? (Ennfrtorat? (ttapttal 

suddenly came upon a squadron of Union cavalry. The Con 
federate yell rent the air and a swift, bold charge by the South 
ern troopers swept the foe on. 

They had not traveled far when they came again to a 
force drawn up in columns of fours, ready to dispute the pas 
sage of the road. This time the Federals were about to make 
the charge. A squadron of the Confederates moved forward 
to meet them. Some Union skirmishers in their effort to get 
to the main body of their troops swept into the advancing 
Confederates and carried the front ranks of the squadron with 
them. These isolated Confederates found themselves in an 
extremely perilous position, being gradually forced into the 
Federal main body. Before they could extricate themselves, 
nearly every one in the unfortunate front rank was shot or 
cut down. 

The Southern cavalrymen swept on and presently found 
themselves nearing the York River Railroad McClellan s 
supply line. As they approached Tunstall s Station they 
charged down upon it, with their characteristic yell, completely 
surprising a company of Federal infantry stationed there. 
These at once surrendered. Telegraph wires were cut and a 
tree felled across the track to obstruct the road. This had 
hardly been done before the shriek of a locomotive Avas heard. 
A train bearing Union troops came thundering along, ap 
proaching the station. The engineer, taking in the situation 
at a glance, put on a full head of steam and made a rush for 
the obstruction, which was easily brushed aside. As the train 
went through a cut the Confederates fired upon it, wounding 
and killing some of the Federal soldiers in the cars. 

Riding all through a moonlit night, the raiders reached 
Sycamore Ford of the Chickahominy at break of day. As 
usual this erratic stream was overflowing its banks. They 
started to ford it, but finding that it would be a long and 
wearisome task, a bridge was hastily improvised at another 
place where the passage was made with more celerity. Now, 


Copyright by Review of Reviews Co. 

These men look enough alike to be brothers. They were so in arms, at West Point, in Mexico and throughout the war. General 
Joseph E. Johnston (on the left), who had led the Confederate forces since Bull Run, was wounded at Fair Oaks. That wound gave 
Robert E. Lee (on the right) his opportunity to act as leader. After Fair Oaks, Johnston retired from the command of the army 
defending Richmond. The new commander immediately grasped the possibilities of the situation which confronted him. The 
promptness and completeness with which he blighted McClellan s high hopes of reaching Richmond showed at one stroke that the Con 
federacy had found its great general. It was only through much sifting that the North at last picked military leaders that could 
rival him in the field. 




on the south bank of the river, haste was made for the con 
fines of Richmond, where, at dawn of the following day, the 
troopers dropped from their saddles, a weary but happy body 
of cavalry. W/ M 

Lee thus obtained exact and detailed information of the 
position of McClellan s army, and he laid out his campaign 
accordingly. Meanwhile his own forces in and about Rich 
mond were steadily increasing. He was planning for an army 
of nearly one hundred thousand and he now demonstrated his 
ability as a strategist. Word had been despatched to Jackson 
in the Shenandoah to bring his troops to fall upon the right 
wing of McClellan s army. At the same time Lee sent Gen 
eral Whiting north to make a feint of joining Jackson and 
moving upon Washington. The ruse proved eminently suc 
cessful. The authorities at Washington were frightened, and 
McClellan received no more reenf or cements. Jackson now 
began a hide-and-seek game among the mountains, and man 
aged to have rumors spread of his army being in several places 
at the same time, while skilfully veiling his actual movements. 

It was not until the 25th of June that McClellan had 
definite knowledge of Jackson s whereabouts. He was then 
located at Ashland, north of the Chickahominy, within strik 
ing distance of the Army of the Potomac. McClellan was 
surprised but he was not unprepared. Seven days before 
he had arranged for a new base of supplies on the James, 
which would now prove useful if he were driven south of the 

On the very day he heard of Jackson s arrival at Ashland, 
McClellan was pushing his men forward to begin his siege of 
Richmond that variety of warfare which his engineering 
soul loved so well. His advance guard was within four miles 
of the Confederate capital. His strong fortifications were 
bristling upon every vantage point, and his fond hope was 
that within a few days, at most, his efficient artillery, for 
which the Army of the Potomac was famous, would be 



// if 



White House, Virginia, June 27, 1862. Up the James and the Pamunkey to White House Landing came the steam and sailing vessels 
laden with supplies for McClellan s second attempt to reach Richmond. Tons of ammunition and thousands of rations were sent for 
ward from here to the army on the Chickahominy in June, 1862. A short month was enough to cause McClellan to again change his 
plans, and the army base was moved to the James River. The Richmond and York Railroad was lit up by burning cars along its 
course to the Chickahominy. Little was left to the Confederates save the charred ruins of the White House itself. 

Sty? (Eimfrforai? Capital 


belching fortli its sheets of fire and lead into the beleagured 
city. In front of the Union encampment, near Fair Oaks, was 
a thick entanglement of scrubby pines, vines, and ragged 
bushes, full of ponds and marshes. This strip of woodland 
was less than five hundred yards wide. Beyond it was an open 
field half a mile in width. The Union soldiers pressed through 
the thicket to see what was on the other side and met the Con 
federate pickets among the trees. The advancing column 
drove them back. Upon emerging into the open, the Federal 
troops found it filled with rifle-pits, earthworks, and redoubts. 
At once they were met with a steady and incessant fire, which 
continued from eight in the morning until five in the afternoon. 
At times the contest almost reached the magnitude of a battle, 
and in the end the Union forces occupied the former position 
of their antagonists. This passage of arms, sometimes called 
the affair of Oak Grove or the Second Battle of Fair Oaks, 
was the prelude to the Seven Days Battles. 

The following day, June 26th, had been set by General 
" Stonewall " Jackson as the date on which he would join Lee, 
and together they would fall upon the right wing of the Army 
of the Potomac. The Federals north of the Chickahominy 
were under the direct command of General Fitz John Porter. 
Defensive preparations had been made on an extensive scale. 
Field works, heavily armed with artillery, and rifle-pits, well 
manned, covered the roads and open fields and were often con 
cealed by timber from the eye of the opposing army. The 
extreme right of the Union line lay near Mechanicsville on the 
upper Chickahominy. A tributary of this stream from the 
north was Beaver Dam Creek, upon whose left bank was a 
steep bluff, commanding the valley to the west. This naturally 
strong position, now well defended, was almost impregnable 
to an attack from the front. 

Before sunrise of the appointed day the Confederate 
forces were at the Chickahominy bridges, awaiting the ar 
rival of Jackson. To reach these some of the regiments had 


Not until after nightfall of June 26, 1862, did the Confederates of General A. P. Hill s division cease their assaults upon this 
position where General McCall s men were strongly entrenched. Time after time the Confederates charged over the ground we see 
here at Ellerson s Mill, near Mechanicsville. Till 9 o clock at night they continued to pour volleys at the position, and then at last 
withdrew. The victory was of little use to the Federals, for Jackson on the morrow, having executed one of the flanking night 
marches at which he was an adept, fell upon the Federal rear at Games Mill. 


Railroad trains loaded with tons of food and ammunition were run deliberately at full speed off the embankment shown in the left 
foreground. They plunged headlong into the waters of the Pamunkey. This was the readiest means that McClellan could devise 
for keeping his immense quantity of stores out of the hands of the Confederates in his hasty change of base from White House to the 
James after Games Mill. This was the bridge of the Richmond and York River Railroad, and was destroyed June 28, 1862, to 
render the railroad useless to the Confederates. 



marched the greater part of the night. For once Jackson 
was behind time. The morning hours came and went. Noon 
passed and Jackson had not arrived. At three o clock, Gen 
eral A. P. Hill, growing impatient, decided to put his troops 
in motion. Crossing at Meadow Bridge, he marched his men 
along the north side of the Chickahominy, and at Mechanics- 
ville was joined by the commands of Longstreet and D. H. 
Hill. Driving the Union outposts to cover, the Confederates 
swept across the low approach to Beaver Dam Creek. A mur 
derous fire from the batteries on the cliff poured into their 
ranks. Gallantly the attacking columns withstood the deluge 
of leaden hail and drew near the creek. A few of the more 
aggressive reached the opposite bank but their repulse was 

Later in the afternoon relief was sent to Hill, who again 
attempted to force the Union position at Ellerson s Mill, 
where the slope of the west bank came close to the borders of 
the little stream. From across the open fields, in full view of 
the defenders of the cliff, the Confederates moved down the 
slope. They were in range of the Federal batteries, but the 
fire was reserved. Every artilleryman was at his post ready 
to fire at the word; the soldiers were in the rifle-pits sighting 
along the glittering barrels of their muskets with fingers on 
the triggers. As the approaching columns reached the stream 
they turned with the road that ran parallel to the bank. 

From every waiting field-piece the shells came screaming 
through the air. Volley after volley of musketry was poured 
into the flanks of the marching Southerners. The hillside was 
soon covered with the victims of the gallant charge. Twilight 
fell upon the warring troops and there were no signs of a ces 
sation of the unequal combat. Night fell, and still from the 
heights the lurid flames burst in a display of glorious pyro 
technics. It was nine o clock when Hill finally drew back his 
shattered regiments, to await the coming of the morning. The 
Forty-fourth Georgia regiment suffered most in the fight; 



The force under General McCall was stationed by McClellan on June 19, 1862, to observe the Meadow and Mechanicsville bridges 
over the Chickahominy which had only partially been destroyed. On the afternoon of June 2Gth, General A. P. Hill crossed at Meadow 
Bridge, driving the Union skirmish-line back to Beaver Dam Creek. The divisions of D. H. Hill and Longstreet had been waiting at 
Mechanicsville Bridge (shown in this photograph) since 8 A.M. for A. P. Hill to open the way for them to cross. They passed over in 
time to bear a decisive part in the Confederate attack at Gaines Mill on the 27th. 


Here are some of McClellan s staff-officers during the strenuous period of the Seven Days Battles. One commonly supposes that a 
general s staff has little to do but wear gold lace and transmit orders. But it is their duty to multiply the eyes and ears and thinking 
power of the leader. Without them he could not direct the movements of his army. There were so few regular officers of ripe ex 
perience that members of the staff were invariably made regimental commanders, and frequently were compelled to divide their time 
between leading their troops into action and reporting to and consulting with their superior. 





three hundred and thirty-five being the dreadful toll, in dead 
and wounded, paid for its efforts to break down the Union 
position. Dropping back to the rear this ill-fated regiment 
attempted to re-form its broken ranks, but its officers were all 
among those who had fallen. Both armies now prepared for 
another day and a renewal of the conflict. 

The action at Beaver Dam Creek convinced McClellan 
that Jackson was really approaching with a large force, and 
he decided to begin his change of base from the Pamunkey 
to the James, leaving Porter and the Fifth Corps still on the 
left bank of the Chickahominy, to prevent Jackson s fresh 
troops from interrupting this great movement. It was, indeed, 
a gigantic undertaking, for it involved marching an army of 
a hundred thousand men, including cavalry and artillery, 
across the marshy peninsula. A train of five thousand heavily 
loaded wagons and many siege-guns had to be transported; 
nearly three thousand cattle on the hoof had to be driven. 
From White House the supplies could be shipped by the York 
River Railroad as far as Savage s Station. Thence to the 
James, a distance of seventeen miles, they had to be carried 
overland along a road intersected by many others from which 
a watchful opponent might easily attack. General Casey s 
troops, guarding the supplies at White House, were trans 
ferred by way of the York and the James to Harrison s Land 
ing on the latter river. The transports were loaded with all 
the material they could carry. The rest was burned, or put 
in cars. These cars, with locomotives attached, were then run 
into the river. 

On the night of June 26th, McCall s Federal division, at 
Beaver Dam Creek, was directed to fall back to the bridges 
across the Chickahominy near Games Mill and there make 
a stand, for the purpose of holding the Confederate army. 
During the night the w r agon trains and heavy guns were 
quietly moved across the river. Just before daylight the oper 
ation of removing the troops began. The Confederates were 

* iAi - * 



Woodbury s Bridge on the Chickahominy. Little did General D. F. Woodbury s engineers suspect, when they built this bridge, 
early in June, 1862, as a means of communication between the divided wings of McClellan s army on the Chickahominy that it would 
be of incalculable service during battle. When the right wing, under General Fitz John Porter, was engaged on the field of Games 
Mill against almost the entire army of Lee, across this bridge the division of General Slocum marched from its position in the trenches 
in front of Richmond on the south bank of the river to the support of Porter s men. The battle lasted until, nightfall and then the 
Federal troops moved across this bridge and rejoined the main forces of the Federal army. Woodbury s engineers built several bridges 
across the Chickahominy, but among them all the bridge named for their commander proved to be, perhaps, the most serviceable. 


(Capital J^mirf* 



equally alert, for about the same time they opened a heavy fire 
on the retreating columns. This march of five miles was a 
continuous skirmish; but the Union forces, ably and skilfully 
handled, succeeded in reaching their new position on the Chick- 
ahominy heights. 

The morning of the new day was becoming hot and sultry 
as the men of the Fifth Corps made ready for action in their 
new position. The selection of this ground had been well 
made; it occupied a series of heights fronted on the west by 
a sickle-shaped stream. The battle-lines followed the course 
of this creek, in the arc of a circle curving outward in the 
direction of the approaching army. The land beyond the 
creek was an open country, through which Powhite Creek 
meandered sluggishly, and beyond this a wood densely tan 
gled with undergrowth. Around the Union position were also 
many patches of wooded land affording cover for the troops 
and screening the reserves from view. 

Porter had learned from deserters and others that Jack 
son s forces, united to those of Longstreet and the two Hills, 
w r ere advancing with grim determination to annihilate the 
Army of the Potomac. He had less than eighteen thousand 
men to oppose the fifty thousand Confederates. To protect 
the Federals, trees had been felled along a small portion of 
their front, out of which barriers protected with rails and 
knapsacks were erected. Porter had considerable artillery, but 
only a small part of it could be used. It was two o clock, on 
June 27th, when General A. P. Hill swung his division into 
line for the attack. He was unsupported by the other divisions, 
which had not yet arrived, but his columns moved rapidly 
toward the Union front. The assault was terrific, but twenty- 
six guns threw a hail-storm of lead into his ranks. Under the 
cover of this magnificent execution of artillery, the infantry 
sent messages of death to the approaching lines of gray. 

The Confederate front recoiled from the incessant out 
pour of grape, canister, and shell. The heavy cloud of battle 






During the retreat after Games Mill, McClellan s army was straining every nerve to extricate itself and present a strong front to 
Lee before he could strike a telling blow at its untenable position. Wagon trains were struggling across the almost impassable White 
Oak Swamp, while the troops were striving to hold Savage s Station to protect the movement. Thither on flat cars were sent the 
wounded as we see them in the picture. The rear guard of the Army of the Potomac had hastily provided such field hospital facili 
ties as they could. We see the camp near the railroad with the passing wagon trains in the lower picture. But attention to these 
wounded men was, perforce, secondary to the necessity of holding the position. Their hopes of relief from their suffering were to be 
blighted. Lee was about to fall upon the Federal rear guard at Savage s Station. Instead of to a haven of refuge, these men were 
being railroaded toward the field of carnage, where they must of necessity be left by their retreating companions. 


Here we see part of the encampment to hold which the divisions of Richardson, Sedgwick, Smith, and Franklin fought valiantly when 
Magruder and the Confederates fell upon them, June 29, 1862. Along the Richmond & York River Railroad, seen in the picture, 
the Confederates rolled a heavy rifled gun, mounted on car-wheels. They turned its deadly fire steadily upon the defenders. The 
Federals fought fiercely and managed to hold their ground till nightfall, when hundreds of their bravest soldiers lay on the field 
and had to be left alone with their wounded comrades who had arrived on the flat cars. 

lags SIj? (Ennfrtorate (Eapttal 



smoke rose lazily through the air, twisting itself among the 
trees and settling over the forest like a pall. The tremendous 
momentum of the repulse threw the Confederates into great 
confusion. Men were separated from their companies and 
for a time it seemed as if a rout were imminent. The Federals, 
pushing out from under the protection of their great guns, 
now became the assailants. The Southerners were being driven 
back. Many had left the field in disorder. Others threw 
themselves on the ground to escape the withering fire, while 
some tenaciously held their places. This lasted for two hours. 
General Slocum arrived with his division of Franklin s corps, 
and his arrival increased the ardor of the victorious Federals. 

It was then that Lee ordered a general attack upon the 
entire Union front. Reenforcements were brought to take the 
place of the shattered regiments. The engagement began with 
a sharp artillery fire from the Confederate guns. Then the 
troops moved forward, once more to assault the Union posi 
tion. In the face of a heavy fire they rushed across the sedgy 
lowland, pressed up the hillside at fearful sacrifice and pushed 
against the Union front. It was a death grapple for the 
mastery of the field. General Lee, sitting on his horse on 
an eminence where he could observe the progress of the battle, 
saw, coming down the road, General Hood, of Jackson s corps, 
who was bringing his brigade into the fight. Riding forward 
to meet him, Lee directed that he should try to break the line. 
Hood, disposing his men for the attack, sent them forward, 
but, reserving the Fourth Texas for his immediate command, 
he marched it into an open field, halted, and addressed it, giv 
ing instructions that no man should fire until ordered and that 
all should keep together in line. 

The forward march was sounded, and the intrepid Hood, 
leading his men, started for the Union breastworks eight hun 
dred yards away. They moved at a rapid pace across the open, 
under a continually increasing shower of shot and shell. At 
every step the ranks grew thinner and thinner. As they 

* * 

i- v>*- 


jSi* % 


V > 




ri ? 




The Second and Sixth Corps of the Federal Army repelled a desperate attack of General Magruder at Sav 
age Station on June 29th. The next day they disappeared, plunging into the depths of White Oak Swamp, 
leaving only the brave medical officers behind, doing what they could to relieve the sufferings of the men 
that had to be abandoned. Here we see them at work upon the wounded, who have been gathered from 
the field. Nothing but the strict arrest of the stern sergeant Death can save these men from capture, and 
when the Confederates occupied Savage s Station on the morning of June 30th, twenty-five hundred sick 
and wounded men and their medical attendants became prisoners of war. The Confederate hospital facil 
ities were already taxed to their full capacity in caring for Lee s wounded, and most of these men were 
confronted on that day with the prospect of lingering for months in the military prisons of the South. The 
brave soldiers lying helpless here were wounded at Games Mill on June 27th and removed to the great 
field-hospital established at Savage s Station. The photograph was taken just before Sumner and Franklin 
withdrew the rear-guard of their columns on the morning of June 30th. 




reached the crest of a small ridge, one hundred and fifty yards 
from the Union line, the batteries in front and on the flank 
sent a storm of shell and canister plowing into their already 
depleted files. They quickened their pace as they passed down 
the slope and across the creek. Not a shot had they fired and 
amid the sulphurous atmosphere of battle, with the wing of 
death hovering over all, they fixed bayonets and dashed up the 
hill into the Federal line. With a shout they plunged through 
the felled timber and over the breastworks. The Union line 
had been pierced and was giving way. It was falling back 
toward the Chickahominy bridges, and the retreat was threaten 
ing to develop into a general rout. The twilight was closing 
in and the day was all but lost to the Army of the Potomac. 
Now a great shout was heard from the direction of the bridge ; 
and, pushing through the stragglers at the river bank were seen 
the brigades of French and Meagher, detached from Sumner s 
corps, coming to the rescue. General Meagher, in his shirt 
sleeves, was leading his men up the bluff and confronted the 
Confederate battle line. This put a stop to the pursuit and 
as night was at hand the Southern soldiers withdrew. The 
battle of Games Mill, or the Chickahominy, was over. 

When Lee came to the banks of the little river the next 
morning he found his opponent had crossed over and destroyed 
the bridges. The Army of the Potomac was once more united. 
During the day the Federal wagon trains were safely passed 
over White Oak Swamp and then moved on toward the James 
River. Lee did not at first divine McClellan s intention. He 
still believed that the Federal general would retreat down 
the Peninsula, and hesitated therefore to cross the Chicka 
hominy and give up the command of the lower bridges. But 
now on the 29th the signs of the movement to the James were 
unmistakable. Eiarly on that morning Longstreet and A. P. 
Hill were ordered to recross the Chickahominy by the New 
Bridge and Huger and Magruder were sent in hot pursuit of 
the Federal forces. It was the brave Sumner who covered the 





L opyriyht by Patriot Pub. Ci 

Through this well-nigh unpayable morass of White Oak Swamp, across a single long bridge, McClellan s wagon trams were being 
hurried the last days of June, 1862. On the morning of the 30th, the rear-guard of the army was hastily tramping after them am 
by ten o clock had safely crossed and destroyed the bridge. They had escaped in the nick of time, for at noon Stonewall 
opened fire upon Richardson s division and a terrific artillery battle ensued for the possession of th.s, the single crossing by which it 
was possible to attack McClellan s rear. The Federal batteries were compelled to retire but Jackson s crossmg was preven 
that day by the infantry. 

laya ufy? Ohmfrforai? Gkpttal 

march of the retreating army, and as he stood in the open field 
near Savage s Station he looked out over the plain and saw 
with satisfaction the last of the ambulances and wagons mak 
ing their way toward the new haven on the James. 

In the morning of that same day he had already held at 
bay the forces of Magruder at Allen s Farm. On his way 
from Fair Oaks, which he left at daylight, he had halted his 
men at what is known as the " Peach Orchard," and from 
nine o clock till eleven had resisted a spirited fire of musketry 
and artillery. And now as the grim warrior, on this Sunday 
afternoon in June, turned his eyes toward the Chickahominy 
he saw a great cloud of dust rising on the horizon. It was 
raised by the troops of General Magruder who was pressing 
close behind the Army of the Potomac. The Southern field- 
guns were placed in position. A contrivance, consisting of a 
heavy gun mounted on a railroad car and called the " Land 
Merrimac," was pushed into position and opened fire upon the 
Union forces. The battle began with a fine play of artillery. 
For an hour not a musket was fired. The army of blue 
remained motionless. Then the mass of gray moved across 
the field and from the Union guns the long tongues of flame 
darted into the ranks before them. The charge was met with 
vigor and soon the battle raged over the entire field. Both 
sides stood their ground till darkness again closed the contest, 
and nearly eight hundred brave men had fallen in this Sabbath 
evening s battle. Before midnight Simmer had withdrawn his 
men and was following after the wagon trains. 

The Confederates were pursuing McClellan s army in two 
columns, Jackson closely following Sumner, while Longstreet 
was trying to cut off the Union forces by a flank movement. 
On the last day of June, at high noon, Jackson reached the 
White Oak Swamp. But the bridge was gone. He attempted 
to ford the passage, but the Union troops were there to prevent 
it. While Jackson was trying to force his way across the 
stream, there came to him the sound of a desperate battle being 

; *** 


Brigadier-General J. H. Martindale (seated) and his staff, July 1, 1862. Fitz John Porter s Fifth Corps and Couch s division, Fourth 
Corps, bore the brunt of battle at Malvern Hill where the troops of McClellan withstood the terrific attacks of Lee s combined and 
superior forces. Fiery "Prince John" Magruder hurled column after column against the left of the Federal line, but every charge 
was met and repulsed through the long hot summer afternoon. Martindale s brigade of the Fifth Corps was early called into action, 
and its commander, by the gallant fighting of his troops, won the brevet of Major-General. 


Officers of the Monitor at Malvern Hill. Glad indeed were the men of the Army of the Potomac as they emerged from their perilous 
march across White Oak Swamp to hear the firing of the gunboats on the James. It told them the Confederates had not yet pre 
empted the occupation of Malvern Hill, which General Fitz John Porter s Corps was holding. Before the battle opened McClellan 
went aboard the Galena to consult with Commodore John Rodgers about a suitable base on the James. The gunboats of the fleet 
supported the flanks of the army during the battle and are said to have silenced one of the Confederate batteries. 



*,- , 

fought not more than two miles away, but he was powerless 
to give aid. 

Longstreet and A. P. Hill had come upon the Federal 
regiments at Glendale, near the intersection of the Charles 
City road, guarding the right flank of the retreat. It was 
Longstreet who, about half-past two, made one of his charac 
teristic onslaughts on that part of the Union army led by Gen 
eral McCall. It was repulsed with heavy loss. Again and 
again attacks were made. Each brigade seemed to act on its 
own behalf. They hammered here, there, and everywhere. Re 
pulsed at one place they charged at another. The Eleventh 
Alabama, rushing out from behind a dense wood, charged 
across the open field in the face of the Union batteries. The 
men had to run a distance of six hundred yards. A heavy and 
destructive fire poured into their lines, but on they came, trail 
ing their guns. The batteries let loose grape and canister, 
while volley after volley of musketry sent its death-dealing 
messages among the Southerners. But nothing except death 
itself could check their impetuous charge. When two hundred 
yards away they raised the Confederate yell and rushed for 
Randol s battery. 

Pausing for an instant they deliver a volley and attempt 
to seize the guns. Bayonets are crossed and men engage 
in a hand-to-hand struggle. The contending masses rush to 
gether, asking and giving no quarter and struggling like so 
many tigers. Darkness is closing on the fearful scene, yet the 
fighting continues with unabated ferocity. There are the 
shouts of command, the clash and the fury of the battle, the 
sulphurous smoke, the flashes of fire streaking through the air, 
the yells of defiance, the thrust, the parry, the thud of the 
clubbed musket, the hiss of the bullet, the spouting blood, the 
death-cry, and beneath all lie the bodies of America s sons, 
some in blue and some in gray. 

While Lee and his army were held in check by the events 
of June 30th at White Oak Swamp and the other battle at 


Again we see the transports 
and supply schooners at an 
chor this time at Harrison s 
Landing on the James River. 
In about a month, McClellan 
had changed the position of 
his army twice, shifting his 
base from the Pamunkey to 
the James. The position he 
held on Malvern Hill was 
abandoned after the victory 
of July 1, 1862, and the 
army marched to a new base 
farther down the James, 
where the heavy losses of 
men and supplies during the 


Seven Days could be made 
up without danger and 
delay. Harrison s Landing 
was the point selected, and 
here the army recuperated, 
wondering what would be the 
next step. Below we see the 
historic mansion which did 
service as General Porter s 
headquarters, one of McClel- 
lan s most efficient command 
ers. For his services during 
the Seven Days he was made 
Major-General of Volunteers. 
McClellan was his lifelong 


Hays SHj? Ofonfrtorafr (ttaptial 

Glendale or Nelson s Farm, the last of the wagon trains had 
arrived safely at Malvern Hill. The contest had hardly closed 
and the smoke had scarcely lifted from the blood-soaked field, 
when the Union forces were again in motion toward the James. 
By noon on July 1st the last division reached the position 
where McClellan decided to turn again upon his assailants. 
He had not long to wait, for the Confederate columns, led by 
Longstreet, were close on his trail, and a march of a few miles 
brought them to the Union outposts. They found the Army 
of the Potomac admirably situated to give defensive battle. 
Malvern Hill, a plateau, a mile and a half long and half as 
broad, with its top almost bare of woods, commanded a view of 
the country over which the Confederate army must approach. 
Along the western face of this plateau there are deep ravines 
falling abruptly in the direction of the James River; on the 
north and east is a gentle slope to the plain beneath, bordered 
by a thick forest. Around the summit of the hill, General Mc 
Clellan had placed tier after tier of batteries, arranged like an 
amphitheater. Surmounting these on the crest were massed 
seven of his heaviest siege-guns. His army surrounded this 
hill, its left flank being protected by the gunboats on the river. 

The morning and early afternoon were occupied with 
many Confederate attacks, sometimes formidable in their na 
ture, but Lee planned for no general move until he could 
bring up a force that he considered sufficient to attack the 
strong Federal position. The Confederate orders were to 
advance when the signal, a yell, cheer, or shout from the men 
of Armistead s brigade, was given. 

Late in the afternoon General D. H. Hill heard some 
shouting, followed by a roar of musketry. No other general 
seems to have heard it, for Hill made his attack alone. It was 
gallantly done, but no army could have withstood the galling 
fire of the batteries of the Army of the Potomac as they were 
massed upon Malvern Hill. All during the evening, brigade 
after brigade tried to force the Union lines. The gunners 



Lieut.-Colonel Albert V. Colburn, a favorite Aide-de-Camp of General McClellan s. Here is the bold 
soldier of the Green Mountain State who bore despatches about the fields of battle during the Seven Days. 
It was he who was sent galloping across the difficult and dangerous country to make sure that Franklin s 
division was retreating from White Oak Swamp, and then to carry orders to Sumner to fall back on Mal- 
vern Hill. Such were the tasks that constantly fell to the lot of the despatch bearer. Necessarily a man 
of quick and accurate judgment, perilous chances confronted him in his efforts to keep the movements of 
widely separated divisions in concert with the plans of the commander. The loss of his life might mean 
the loss of a battle; the failure to arrive in the nick of time with despatches might mean disaster for the 
army. Only the coolest headed of the officers could be trusted with this vital work in the field. 

lays lf (Ermfrtorat? (Eapttal 


stood coolly and manfully by their batteries. The Confeder 
ates were not able to make concerted efforts, but the battle 
waxed hot nevertheless. They were forced to breast one of 
the most devastating storms of lead and canister to which an 
assaulting army has ever been subjected. The round shot and 
grape cut through the branches of the trees and the battle-field 
was soon in a cloud of smoke. Column after column of South 
ern soldiers rushed up to the death-dealing cannon, only to be 
mowed down. The thinned and ragged lines, with a valor born 
of desperation, rallied again and again to the charge, but to 
no avail. The batteries on the heights still hurled their missiles 
of death. The field below was covered with the dead and 
wounded of the Southland. 

The gunboats in the river made the battle scene more awe- 
inspiring with their thunderous cannonading. Their heavy 
shells shrieked through the forest, and great limbs were torn 
from the trees as they hurtled by in their outburst of fury. 

Night was falling. The combatants were no longer dis 
tinguishable except by the sheets of flame. It was nine o clock 
before the guns ceased their fire, and only an occasional shot 
rang out over the bloody field of Malvern Hill. 

The courageous though defeated Confederate, looking up 
the next day through the drenching rain to where had stood 
the embrasured wall with its grim batteries and lines of blue, 
that spoke death to so many of his companions-in-arms, saw 
only deserted ramparts. The Union army had retreated in 
the darkness of the night. But this time no foe harassed 
its march. Unmolested, it sought its new camp at Harrison s 
Landing, where it remained until August 3d, when, as Presi 
dent Lincoln had been convinced of the impracticability of 
operating from the James River as a base, orders were issued 
by General Halleck for the withdrawal of the Army of the 
Potomac from the Peninsula. 

The net military result of the Seven Days was a disap 
pointment to the South. Although thankful that the siege of 


Copyriyht uy Patriot fub. Co. 


Colonel W. W. Averell and Staff. This intrepid officer of the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry held the Federal 
position on Malvern Hill on the morning of July 2, 1862, with only a small guard, while McClellan com 
pleted the withdrawal of his army to Harrison s Landing. It was his duty to watch the movements of 
the Confederates and hold them back from any attempt to fall upon the retreating trains and troops. A 
dense fog in the early morning shut off the forces of A. P. Hill and Longstreet from his view. He had not 
a single fieldpiece with which to resist attack. When the mist cleared away, he kept up a great activity 
with his cavalry horses, making the Confederates believe that artillery was being brought up. With ap 
parent reluctance he agreed to a truce of two hours in which the Confederates might bury the dead they 
left on the hillside the day before. Later, with an increased show of unwillingness, he extended the truce 
for another two hours. Just before they expired, Frank s Battery arrived to his support, with the news 

that the Army of the Potomac was safe. Colonel Averell rejoined it without the loss of a man. 
[A 22] 

Qhwfrforat? QIapttal 

Richmond had been raised, the Southern public believed that 
McClellan should not have been allowed to reach the James 
River with his army intact. 

That army," Eggleston states, " splendidly organized, 
superbly equipped, and strengthened rather than weakened 
in morale, lay securely at rest on the James River, within easy 
striking distance of Richmond. There was no knowing at 
what moment McClellan might hurl it again upon Richmond 
or upon that commanding key to Richmond the Petersburg 
position. In the hands of a capable commander McClellan s 
army would at this time have been a more serious menace than 
ever to the Confederate capital, for it now had an absolutely 
secure and unassailable base of operations, while its fighting 
quality had been improved rather than impaired by its seven 
days of battling." 

General Lee s own official comment on the military prob 
lem involved and the difficulties encountered was : " Under 
ordinary circumstances the Federal army should have been 
destroyed. Its escape was due to the causes already stated. 
Prominent among these is the want of correct and timely in 
formation. This fact, attributable chiefly to the character of 
the country, enabled General McClellan skilfully to conceal his 
retreat and to add much to the obstructions with which nature 
had beset the way of our pursuing columns; but regret that 
more was not accomplished gives way to gratitude to the Sov 
ereign Ruler of the Universe for the results achieved." 

Whatever the outcome of the Seven Days Battle another 
year was to demonstrate beyond question that the wounding 
of General Johnston at Fair Oaks had left the Confederate 
army with an even abler commander. On such a field as Chan- 
cellorsville was to be shown the brilliancy of Lee as leader, and 
his skilful maneuvers leading to the invasion of the North. 
And the succeeding volume will tell, on the other hand, how 
strong and compact a fighting force had been forged from the 
raw militia and volunteers of the North. 



Within a week of the occupation of Harrison s Landing, McClellan s position had become so strong that the Federal commander no 
longer anticipated an attack by the Confederate forces. General Lee saw that his opponent was flanked on each side by a creek and 
that approach to his front was commanded by the guns in the entrenchments and those of the Federal navy in the river. Lee there 
fore deemed it inexpedient to attack, especially as his troops were in poor condition owing to the incessant marching and righting of the 
Seven Days. Rest was what both armies needed most, and on July 8th the Confederate forces returned to the vicinity of Richmond. 
McClellan scoured the country before he was satisfied of the Confederate withdrawal. The Third and Fourth Pennsylvania cavalry 
made a reconnaisance to Charles City Court House and beyond, and General Averell reported on July llth that there were no Southern 
troops south of the lower Chickahominy. His scouting expeditions extended in the direction of Richmond and up the Chickahominy. 


Copyright by Patriot Pub. Co. 









The possession of Corinth, Miss., meant the control of the railroads without which the Federal armies could 
not push down the Mississippi Valley and eastward into Tennessee. Autumn found Rosecrans with about 
23,000 men in command at the post where were vast quantities of military stores. On October 3, the indomi 
table Confederate leaders, Price and Van Dorn, appeared before Corinth, and Rosecrans believing the movement 
to be a feint sent forward a brigade to an advanced position on a hill. A sharp battle ensued and in a brilliant 
charge the Confederates at last possessed the hill. Convinced that there was really to be a determined assault on 
Corinth, Rosecrans disposed his forces during the night. Just before dawn the Confederate cannonade began, the 
early daylight was passed in skirmishing, while the artillery duel grew hotter. Then a glittering column of Price s 
men burst from the woods. Grape and canister were poured into them, but on they came, broke through the 
Federal center and drove back their opponents to the square of the town. Here the Confederates were at last 
swept back. But ere that Van Dorn s troops had hurled themselves on Battery Robinett to the left of the Federal 
line, and fought their way over the parapet and into the battery. Their victory was brief. Federal troops well 
placed in concealment rose up and poured volley after volley into them. They were swept away and Corinth was 
safe. Rosecrans by a well-planned defense had kept the key to Grant s subsequent control of the West. 



General Earl Van Dorn was born in Mis 
sissippi in 1821; he was graduated from West 
Point in 1842, and was killed in a personal 
quarrel in 18G3. Early in the war General Van 
Dorn had distinguished himself by capturing 
the steamer " Star of the West " at Indianola, 
Texas. He was of a tempestuous nature and 
had natural fighting qualities. During the 
month of August he commanded all the Con 
federate troops in Mississippi except those 
under General Price, and it was his idea to form 
a combined movement with the latter s forces 
and expel the invading Federals from the 
northern portion of his native State and from 
eastern Tennessee. The concentration was 
made and the Confederate army, about 22,000 
men, was brought into the disastrous battle of 
Corinth. Brave were the charges made on the 
entrenched positions, but without avail. 


General Sterling Price was a civilian who by 
natural inclination turned to soldiering. He 
had been made a brigadier-general during the 
Mexican War, but early allied himself with the 
cause of the Confederacy. At Pea Ridge, only 
seven months before the battle of Corinth, he 
had been wounded. Of the behavior of his 
men, though they were defeated and turned 
back on the 4th, he wrote that it was with 
pride that sisters and daughters of the South 
could say of the officers and men, " My brother, 
father, fought at Corinth." And nobly they 
fought indeed. General Van Dorn, in referring 
to the end of that bloody battle, wrote these 
pathetic words: "Exhausted from loss of sleep, 
wearied from hard marching and fighting, com 
panies and regiments without officers, our 
troops let no one censure them gave way. 
The day was lost." 




The Gathered Confederate Dead Before Battery Robinett taken the morning after their desperate attempt to carry the works 
by assault. No man can look at this awful picture and wish to go to war. These men, a few hours before, were full of life and hope 
and courage. Without the two last qualities they would not be lying as they are pictured here. In the very foreground, on the 
left, lies their leader, Colonel Rogers, and almost resting on his shoulder is the body of the gallant Colonel Ross. We are looking 
from the bottom of the parapet of Battery Robinett. Let an eye-witness tell of what the men saw who looked toward the houses 
on that bright October day, and then glanced along their musket-barrels and pulled the triggers: "Suddenly we saw a magnificent 
brigade emerge in our front; they came forward in perfect order, a grand but terrible sight. At their head rode the commander, a 
man of fine physique, in the prime of life quiet and cool as though on a drill. The artillery opened, the infantry followed; 
notwithstanding the slaughter they were closer and closer. Their commander [Colonel,Rogers] seemed to bear a charmed life. 
He jumped his horse across the ditch in front of the guns, and then on foot came on. When he fell, the battle in our front 
was over." 

Painted by E. Packbauer. 


Copyright, 1901. by Perrirn-Kevdel Co., 
Detroit, Mich.. U. S. A . 



Perhaps there is no more pathetic figure in the annals of the War than Pope. In the West, that fiery furnace where the North s greatest 
generals were already being molded, he stood out most prominently in the Spring of 18C2. At Washington, the administration was 
cudgeling its brains for means to meet the popular clamor for an aggressive campaign against Lee after the Peninsula fiasco. Pope was 
sent for and arrived in Washington in June. When the plan to place him at the head of an army whose three corps commanders all out 
ranked him, was proposed, he begged to be sent back West. But he was finally persuaded to undertake a task, the magnitude of 
which was not yet appreciated at the North. During a month of preparation he was too easily swayed by the advice and influenced 
by the plans of civilians, and finally issued a flamboyant address to his army ending with the statement, "My headquarters will be in 
the saddle." When this was shown to Lee, he grimly commented, "Perhaps his headquarters will be where his hindquarters ought to 
be." There followed the brief campaign, the stunning collision with the solid front of StonewallJackson at Cedar Mountain, and the 
clever strategy that took Pope at a disadvantage on the old battlefield of Bull Run. Thence his army retreated more badly beaten 
from a military standpoint than the rout which fled the same field a year before. A brief summer had marked the rise and fall of Pope. 
Two years later Sherman bade good-bye to his friend Grant also summoned from the West. "Remember Pope," was the gist of his 
warning; "don t stay in Washington; keep in the field." 


The Army of Virginia, under Pope, is now to bear the brunt of Lee s 
assault, while the Army of the Potomac is dismembered and sent back 
whence it came, to add in driblets to Pope s effective. Colonel Theodore 
A. Dodge, U.S.A., in "A BinTs-Eye View of the Civil War" 

his popularity at the beginning, had failed in his 
Peninsula campaign to fulfil the expectations of the great 
impatient public of the North. At the same time, while 
the Army of the Potomac had as yet won no great victories, 
the men of the West could triumphantly exhibit the trophies 
won at Donelson, at Pea Ridge, at Shiloh, and at Island 
No. 10. The North thereupon came to believe that the 
Western leaders were more able than those of the East. 
This belief was shared by the President and his Secretary 
of War and it led to the determination to call on the West 
for help. 

The first to be called was General John Pope, who had 
won national fame by capturing New Madrid and Island No. 
10 on the Mississippi River. In answer to a telegram from 
Secretary Stanton, Pope came to Washington in June, 1862. 
The secretary disclosed the plans on which he and President 
Lincoln had agreed, that a new army, to be known as the 
Army of Virginia, was to be created out of three corps, then 
under the respective commands of Generals McDowell, N. P. 
Banks, and John C. Fremont. These corps had been held 
from the Peninsula campaign for the purpose of protecting 

Pope demurred and begged to be sent back to the West, 
on the ground that each of the three corps commanders was 
his senior in rank and that his being placed at their head -would 




Federal Encampment at Blackburn s Ford on Bull Run, July 4, 1862. When McClellan went to the Peninsula in March of 1862 he 
had expected all of McDowell s Corps to be sent him as reenforcement before he made the final advance on Richmond. But the 
brilliant exploits of Jackson in the Shenandoah required the retention of all the troops in the vicinity of Washington. A new army, 
in fact, was created to make the campaign which Lincoln had originally wanted McClellan to carry out. The command was given 
to General John Pope, whose capture of Island No. 10 in the Mississippi had brought him into national importance. The corps of 
Banks, Fremont, and McDowell were consolidated to form this new army, called the "Army of Virginia." General Fremont refused 
to serve under his junior, and his force was given to Franz Sigel, who had won fame in 1861 in Missouri. This picture was taken 
about two weeks after the reorganization was completed. The soldiers are those of McDowell s Corps. They are on the old battle 
field of Bull Run, enjoying the leisure of camp life, for no definite plans for the campaign have yet been formed. 


Cedar Mountain, Viewed from Pope s Headquarters. On the side of this mountain Jackson established the right of his battle 
line, when he discovered at noon of August 9th that he was in contact with a large part of Pope s army. He had started from 
Gordonsville, Pope s objective, to seize Culpeper Court House, but the combat took place in the valley here pictured, some five 
miles southwest of Culpeper, and by nightfall the fields and slopes were strewn with more than three thousand dead and wounded. 




doubtless create a feeling against him. But his protests were 
of no avail and he assumed command of the Army of Virginia 
on the 26th of June. McDowell and Banks made no protest; 
but Fremont refused to serve under one whom he considered 
his junior, and resigned his position. His corps was assigned 
to General Franz Sigel. 

The new commander, General Pope, on the 14th of July, 
issued an address to his army that was hardly in keeping with 
his modesty in desiring at first to decline the honor that was 
offered him. " I have come to you from the West," he pro 
claimed, " where we have always seen the backs of our enemies 
from an army w r hose business it has been to seek the adver 
sary and to beat him when found. . . . Meantime I desire you 
to dismiss from your minds certain phrases which I am sorry 
to find much in vogue among you. I hear constantly of ... 
lines of retreat and bases of supplies. Let us discard such 
ideas. . . . Let us look before us and not behind." 

The immediate object of General Pope was to make the 
capital secure, to make advances toward Richmond, and, if pos 
sible, to draw a portion of Lee s army away from McClellan. 
His first objective was Gordonsville. From this town, not 
far from the base of the Blue Ridge Mountains, there was a 
railroad connecting it with Richmond a convenient means of 
furnishing men and supplies to the Confederate army. Pope 
decided to occupy the town and destroy the railroad. To this 
end he ordered Banks to Culpeper and thence to send all his 
cavalry to Gordonsville, capture the town and tear up ten or 
fifteen miles of the railroad in the direction of Richmond. 
But, as if a prelude to the series of defeats which General Pope 
was to suffer in the next six weeks, he failed in this initial 
movement. The sagacious Lee had divined his intention and 
had sent General " Stonewall " Jackson with his and General 
Swell s divisions on July 13th, to occupy Gordonsville. Ewell 
arrived in advance of Jackson and held the town for the 


Where the Confederate General Winder was killed at Cedar Mountain. It was while directing the movements of four advance 
batteries that General Winder was struck by a shell, expiring in a few hours. Jackson reported: "It is difficult within the proper 
reserve of an official report to do justice to the merits of this accomplished officer. Urged by the medical director to take no part in the 
movements of the day because of the enfeebled state of his health, his ardent patriotism and military pride could bear no such restraint. 
Richly endowed with those qualities of mind and person which fit an officer for command and which attract the admiration and excite 
the enthusiasm of troops, he was rapidly rising to the front rank of his profession." 



In the campaign we are describing Jackson was the most 
active and conspicuous figure on the Confederate side. He 
rested at Gordonsville for two weeks, recuperating his health 
and that of the army, which had been much impaired in the 
malarial district of the Peninsula. The fresh mountain air 
blowing down from the Blue Ridge soon brought back their 
wonted vigor. On July 27th A. P. Hill was ordered to join 
him, and the Confederate leader now had about twenty-five 
thousand men. 

The movement on Gordonsville was exactly in accordance 
with Jackson s own ideas which he had urged upon Lee. Al 
though believing McClellan to be in an impregnable position 
on the Peninsula, it was not less evident to him that the Union 
general would be unable to move further until his army had 
been reorganized and reenforced. This was the moment, he 
argued, to strike in another direction and carry the conflict into 
the Federal territory. An army of at least sixty thousand 
should march into Maryland and appear before the National 
Capital. President Davis could not be won over to the plan 
while McClellan was still in a position to be reenforced by sea, 
but Lee, seeing that McClellan remained inactive, had deter 
mined, by sending Jackson westward, to repeat the successful 
tactics of the previous spring in the Shenandoah valley. Such 
a move might result in the recall of McClellan. 

And so it happened. No sooner had Halleck assumed 
command of all the Northern armies than the matter of Mc- 
Clellan s withdrawal was agitated and on August 3d the head 
of the Army of the Potomac, to his bitter disappointment, was 
ordered to join Pope on the Rappahannock. Halleck was 
much concerned as to how Lee would act during the Federal 
evacuation of the Peninsula, uncertain whether the Confed 
erates would attempt to crush Pope before McClellan could 
reenforce him, or whether McClellan would be attacked as soon 
as he was out of his strong entrenchments at Harrison s 


/ I 





7 / 





V /) 





The Hero of the Federal Attack. General Samuel W. 
Crawford, here seen with his staff, at Cedar Mountain led 
a charge on the left flank of the Confederate forces that 
came near being disastrous for Jackson. 
At about six o clock the brigade was in line. 
General Williams reported: "At this time 
this brigade occupied the interior line of a 
strip of woods. A field, varying from 250 to 
500 yards in width, lay between it and the 
next strip of woods. In moving across this 
field the three right regiments and the six 
companies of the Third Wisconsin were re 
ceived by a terrific fire of musketry. The 
Third Wisconsin especially fell under a par 
tial flank fire under which Lieut.-Colonel 
Crane fell and the regiment was obliged to 
give way. Of the three remaining regiments 
which continued the charge (Twenty-eighth 
New York, Forty-sixth Pennsylvania, and 
Fifth Connecticut) every field-officer and 
every adjutant was killed or disabled. In 
the Twenty-eighth New York every com 
pany officer was killed or wounded; in the 
Forty-sixth Pennsylvania all but five; in the 
Fifth Connecticut all but eight." It was 
one of the most heroic combats of the war. 

A Leader of Cavalry. Colonel Alfred N. Duffie was in command 
of the First Rhode Island Cavalry, in the Cavalry Brigade of 
the Second Division of McDowell s (Third) Corps in Pope s 
Army of Virginia. The cavalry had been 
used pretty well during Pope s advance. On 
the 8th of August, the day before the battle 
of Cedar Mountain, the cavalry had pro 
ceeded south to the house of Dr. Slaughter. 
That night Duffie was on picket in 
advance of General Crawford s troops, 
which had come up during the day and 
pitched camp. The whole division came 
to his support on the next day. When the 
infantry fell back to the protection of the 
batteries, the cavalry was ordered to charge 
the advancing Confederates. " Officers and 
men behaved admirably, and I cannot speak 
too highly of the good conduct of all of 
the brigade," reported General Bayard. 
After the battle the cavalry covered the 
retreat of the artillery and ambulances. On 
August 18th, when the retreat behind the 
Rappahannoc was ordered, the cavalry 
again checked the Confederate advance. 
During the entire campaign the regiment of 
Colonel Duffie did yeoman s service. 



The latter of the two possibilities seemed the more prob 
able, and Pope was therefore ordered to push his whole army 
toward Gordonsville, in the hope that Lee, compelled to 
strengthen Jackson, would be too weak to fall upon the retir 
ing Army of the Potomac. 

The Union army now occupied the great triangle formed 
roughly by the Rappahannock and the Rapidan rivers and 
the range of the Blue Ridge Mountains, with Culpeper Court 
House as the rallying point. Pope soon found that the captur 
ing of New Madrid and Island No. 10 was easy in comparison 
with measuring swords with the Confederate generals in the 

On August 6th Pope began his general advance upon 
Gordonsville. Banks already had a brigade at Culpeper Court 
House, and this was nearest to Jackson. The small settle 
ment was the meeting place of four roads by means of which 
Pope s army of forty-seven thousand men would be united. 
Jackson, informed of the advance, immediately set his three 
divisions in motion for Culpeper, hoping to crush Banks, hold 
the town, and prevent the uniting of the Army of Virginia. 
His progress was slow. The remainder of Banks s corps 
reached Culpeper on the 8th. On the morning of the 9th Jack 
son finally got his troops over the Rapidan and the Robertson 
rivers. Two miles beyond the latter stream there rose from the 
plain the slope of Slaughter Mountain, whose ominous name is 
more often changed into Cedar. This " mountain " is an 
isolated foothill of the Blue Ridge, some twenty miles from 
the parent range, and a little north of the Rapidan. From its 
summit could be seen vast stretches of quiet farmlands which 
had borne their annual harvests since the days of the Cavaliers. 
Its gentle slopes were covered with forests, which merged at 
length into waving grain fields and pasture lands, dotted here 
and there with rural homes. It was here on the slope of Cedar 
Mountain that one of the most severe little battles of the war 
took place. 


Battlefield of Cedar Mountain, August 9, 1862. Here the Con 
federate army in its second advance on Washington first felt out 
the strength massed against it. After Lee s brilliant tactics had 
turned McCIellan s Peninsula Campaign into a fiasco, the Con 
federate Government resolved to again take the offensive. 
Plans were formed for a general invasion of the North, the 
objective points ranging from Cincinnati 
eastward to the Federal capital and 
Philadelphia. Immediately after Wash 
ington got wind of this, Lincoln (on August 
4th) issued a call for three hundred thou 
sand men; and all haste was made to 
rush the forces of McClellan from the 
Peninsula and of Cox from West Virginia 
to the aid of the recently consolidated army 
under Pope. On August 9, 1862, the van 
guards of " Stonewall " Jackson s army 
and of Pope s intercepting forces met at 
Cedar Mountain. Banks, with the Second 
Corps of the Federal army, about eight 
thousand strong, attacked Jackson s forces 
of some sixteen thousand. The charge 
was so furious that Jackson s left flank 

was broken and rolled up, the rear of the center fired upon, and 
the whole line thereby thrown into confusion. Banks, however, 
received no reenforcements, while Jackson received strong 
support. The Federal troops were driven back across the ground 
which they had swept clear earlier in the afternoon. 

The Battle of Cedar Mountain, August 9, 1862. The lower 
picture was taken the day after the battle that had raged for a 
brief two hours on the previous evening. After an artillery fire 
that filled half the afternoon, the advanced Federal cavalry was 
pressed back on the infantry supporting the batteries. Banks 
underestimated the strength of the Confederates. Instead of 
sending to Pope for reenforcements, 
he ordered a charge on the approach 
ing troops. The Confederates, still 
feeling their way, were unprepared for 
this movement and were thrown into con 
fusion. But at the moment when the 
Federal charge was about to end in success, 
three brigades of A. P. Hill in reserve were 
called up. They forced the Federals to 
retrace their steps to the point where the 
fighting began. Here the Federal retreat, 
in turn, was halted by General Pope with 
reenforcements. The Confederates moving 
up their batteries, a short-range artillery 
fight, was kept up until midnight. At 
daylight it was found that Ewell and 
Jackson had fallen back two miles farther 

up the mountain. Pope advanced to the former Confederate 
ground and rested, after burying the dead. The following 
morning the Confederates had disappeared. The loss to both 
armies was almost three thousand in killed, wounded and 
missing. The battle had accomplished nothing. 


ar JKfluntaw |to{i 

tf Afrmttr? i 

g (titytfab * 


On the banks of Cedar Run, seven miles south of Cul- 
peper and but one or two north of the mountain, Banks s cav 
alry were waiting to oppose Jackson s advance. Learning of 
this the latter halted and waited for an attack. He placed 
Swell s batteries on the slope about two hundred feet above 
the valley and sent General Winder to take a strong position 
on the left. So admirably was Jackson s army stationed that 
it would have required a much larger force, approaching it 
from the plains, to dislodge it. And yet, General Banks made 
an attempt with an army scarcely one-third as large as that of 

General Pope had made glowing promises of certain suc 
cess and he well knew that the whole North was eagerly 
watching and waiting for him to fulfil them. He must strike 
somewhere and do it soon and here was his chance at Cedar 
Mountain. He sent Banks with nearly eight thousand men 
against this brilliant Southern commander with an army three 
times as large, holding a strong position on a mountain side. 

Banks with his infantry left Culpeper Court House on the 
morning of August 9th and reached the Confederate strong 
hold in the afternoon. He approached the mountain through 
open fields in full range of the Confederate cannon, which 
presently opened with the roar of thunder. All heedless of 
danger the brave men ran up the slope as if to take the foe by 
storm, when suddenly they met a brigade of Swell s division 
face to face and a brief, deadly encounter took place. In a 
few minutes the Confederate right flank began to waver and 
would no doubt have been routed but for the timely aid of 
another brigade and still another that rushed down the hill and 
opened fire on the Federal lines which extended along the east 
ern bank of Cedar Run. 

Meanwhile the Union batteries had been wheeled into 
position and their deep roar answered that of the foe on 
the hill. For two or three hours the battle continued with the 
utmost fury. The ground was strewn with dead and dying 



When Crawford s troops were driven back by A. P. Hill, he halted on the edge of a wheatfield, where he was reenforced by the Tenth 
Maine. For nearly half an hour it held its own, losing out of its 461 officers and men 173 in killed and wounded. A few days after the 
battle some survivors had a picture taken on the exact spot where they had so courageously fought. The remains of the cavalry horses 
can be seen in the trampled field of wheat. From left to right these men are: Lieutenant Littlefield, Lieutenant Whitney, Lieut.-Colonel 
Fillebrown, Captain Knowlton, and First-Sergeant Jordan, of Company C. 


Slaughter s house, overlooking the scene of carnage of Cedar Mountain, stood on the northern slope in the rear of the position taken by 
the Confederate troops under General Ewell. The brigades of Trimble and Hayes were drawn up near this house, at some distance from 
the brigade of Early. After the battle the whole of Jackson s army was drawn up on the slopes near it. 

H0utttam f 0pi Abuanr? te 

and human blood was poured out like water. But the odds 
were too great and at length, as the shades of evening were 
settling over the gory field, Banks began to withdraw the 
remnant of his troops. But he left two thousand of his brave 
lads one fourth of his whole army dead or dying along the 
hillside, while the Confederate losses were in excess of thirteen 

The dead and wounded of both armies lay mingled in 
masses over the whole battle-field. While the fighting con 
tinued, neither side could send aid or relief to the maimed sol 
diers, who suffered terribly from thirst and lack of attention as 
the sultry day gave place to a close, oppressive night. 

General Pope had remained at Culpeper, but, hearing 
the continuous cannonading and knowing that a sharp en 
gagement was going on, hastened to the battle-field in the 
afternoon with a fresh body of troops under General Ricketts, 
arriving just before dark. He instantly ordered Banks to 
withdraw his right wing so as to make room for Ricketts ; but 
the Confederates, victorious as they had been, refused to con 
tinue the contest against the reenforcements and withdrew to 
the woods up the mountain side. Heavy shelling was kept up 
by the hard-worked artillerymen of both armies until nearly 
midnight, while the Federal troops rested on their arms in 
line of battle. For two days the armies faced each other 
across the valley. Then both quietly withdrew. Pope s first 
battle as leader of an Eastern army had resulted in neither vic 
tory nor defeat. 


The Confederate prisoners on the balcony seem to be taking their situation very placidly. They have evidently been doing some family 
laundry, and have hung the results out to dry. The sentries lounging beneath the colonnade below, and the two languid individuals 
leaning up against the porch and tree, add to the peacefulness of the scene. At the battle of Cedar Mountain, August 9, 1861, the 
above with other Confederates were captured and temporarily confined in this county town of Culpeper. Like several other Virginia 
towns, it does not boast a name of its own, but is universally known as Culpeper Court House. A settlement had grown up in 
the neighborhood of the courthouse, and the scene was enlivened during the sessions of court by visitors from miles around. 



The battle was indeed one of wjiich General Lee had good reason to 
be proud. It would be hard to find a better instance of that masterly 
comprehension of the actual condition of things which marks a great gen 
eral than was exhibited in General Lee s allowing our formidable attack, in 
which more than half the Federal army was taking part, to be fully de 
veloped and to burst upon the exhausted troops of Stonewall Jackson, 
while Lee, relying upon the ability of that able soldier to maintain his 
position, was maturing and arranging for the great attack on our left flank 
by the powerful corps of Longstreet. John C. Hopes, in "The Army 
Under Pope" 

THE battle of Cedar Mountain was but a prelude to the 
far greater one that was to take place three weeks later 
on the banks of the little stream that had given its name, the 
year before, to the first important battle of the war; and here 
again the result to be registered was similar to that of the 
preceding year a result that brought dismay to the peo 
ple of the North and exultation to the adherents of the South 
ern cause. The three intervening weeks between the battles 
of Cedar Mountain and the Second Bull Run were spent in 
sparring, in marshaling the armed hosts, in heavy skirmishing 
and getting position for a final decisive struggle. 

Two events of this period invite special attention. The 
respective heroes were J. E. B. Stuart, the daring Southern 
cavalry leader, and " Stonewall " Jackson. The victim in each 
case was General Pope. Before relating these incidents, how 
ever, we must take a general view of the field. General Pope s 
headquarters at this moment were at Culpeper, with a large 
part of his army, but he had left much of his personal baggage 
and many of his private papers at Catlett s, a station on the 
Orange and Alexandria Railroad between Culpeper and 


7 A 


Here we see Catlett s Station, on 
the Orange & Alexandria Rail 
road, which Stuart s cavalry 
seized in a night sortie on August 
22, 1862. The damage done was 
not severe. Stuart was unable 
to burn the loaded wagon-trains 
surrounding the station and had 
to content himself with capturing 
horses, which he mounted with 
wounded Federal soldiers; he 
escaped at four the next morning, 
driven off by the approach of a 
superior force. Pope, at the 
time, was in possession of the 
fords of the Rappahannock, try 
ing to check the Confederate ad 
vance toward the Shenandoah. 

Stuarfr s raid, however, so alarmed General Halleck that he 
immediately telegraphed Pope from Washington: "By no means 
expose your railroad communication with Alexandria. It is of 
the utmost importance in sending your supplies and reinforce 
ments." Pope did not fall back upon his railroad communica 
tion, however, until after Jackson had seized Manassas Junction. 


At Manassas Junction, as it ap 
peared in the upper picture on 
August 26, 1862, is one of the 
great neglected strategic points 
in the theater of the war. 
Twenty-five miles from Alexan 
dria and thirty miles in a direct 
line from Washington, it was al 
most within long cannon-shot 
from any point in both the luck 
less battles of Bull Run. It was 
on the railway route connecting 
with Richmond, and at the junc 
tion of the railway running across 
the entrance to the Shenandoah 
Valley and beyond the Blue 
Ridge, through Manassas Gap. 
The Confederates knew its value, 

and after the first battle of Bull Run built the fortifications which 
we see in the upper picture, to the left beyond the supply-cars 
on the railroad. Pope, after the battle of Cedar Mountain, 
should have covered it, extending his lines so as to protect it 
from Jackson s incursion through Thoroughfare Gap; instead he 
held the main force of his army opposing that of Lee. 

at lull Sun 


Manassas Junction, while his vast store of army supplies was 
at the latter place. 

Pope s great source of uncertainty lay in the fact that 
he did not know whether Lee would move against him or would 
follow McClellan in the latter s retreat from the Peninsula; 
nor did he know when the reenforcements promised from 
McClellan s army would reach him. Meanwhile Lee had de 
cided to let McClellan depart in peace and to advance against 
Pope, \\dth the whole Confederate army. To this end Long- 
street was ordered to the scene and with his corps he reached 
Gordonsville on August 13th. 

A few days later the two Confederate generals, Lee and 
Longstreet, ascended to the top of Clark s Mountain, from 
which, through powerful field-glasses, they obtained a good 
view of Culpeper, about twelve miles away. They saw that 
Pope s position was weak and determined to attack him with 
out delay. Lee ordered his army to cross the Rapidan. He also 
sent a courier to gallop across the country with an important 
dispatch to General Stuart, disclosing his plans. It was now 
that General Pope met fortune; he captured the courier and 
learned of Lee s plans. Pope knew that he was not in position 
to meet Lee s army at Culpeper, and he withdrew from that 
place and took up a strong position behind the Rappahannock. 
Lee had strained every nerve to get at his antagonist before 
the latter left Culpeper and before he could be reenforced by 
McClellan s army. But sudden rains changed the Rappahan 
nock from a placid stream into a rushing torrent. The Con 
federates were delayed and meantime the reenforcements from 
the Peninsula began to reach Pope s army. General Reno 
with a part of Burnside s corps was on the ground by August 
14th. One week later came Generals Kearny and Reynolds 
both splendid leaders, both destined to give their lives for 
their country within a year to join the Army of Virginia with 
some thousands of additional fighters from the Army of the 




The havoc wrought by the Confederate attack of August 26th on the Federal supply depot at Manassas 
Junction is here graphically preserved. When Jackson arrived at sunset of that day at Bristoe s Station, 
on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, he knew that his daring movement would be reported to Pope s 
forces by the trains that escaped both north and south. To save themselves, the troops that had already 
marched twenty-five miles had to make still further exertions. Trimble volunteered to move on Manassas 
Junction; and, under command of Stuart, a small force moved northward through the woods. At mid 
night it arrived within half a mile of the Junction. The Federal force greeted it with artillery fire, but 
when the Confederates charged at the sound of the bugle the gunners abandoned the batteries to the as 
saulters. Some three hundred of the small Federal garrison were captured, with the immense stores that 
filled the warehouses to overflowing. The next morning Hill s and Taliaferro s divisions arrived to hold the 
position. The half-starved troops were now in possession of all that was needed to make them an effective 
force. Jackson was now in position to control the movements of the Federal army under Pope. 

r ^>woni> fBattl? at lluU Shut *.* 



Lee was completely thwarted in his purpose of attacking 
Pope before his reenforcements arrived. But he was not idle. 
He sent the dauntless cavalry leader, J. E. B. Stuart, to make 
a raid around the Union army. Stuart did this effectively, and 
this was the first of the two notable events of these weeks of 
sparring. Crossing the Rappahannock at Waterloo Bridge 
with fifteen hundred mounted men as bold and dauntless as 
himself, Stuart dashed up the country, riding all day and all 
night. After the coming of night on the evening of the 
22d, in the midst of a torrential rainstorm, while the darkness 
was so intense that every man was guided by the tread of his 
brother horsemen, Stuart pounced upon the Federals near Cat- 
lett s Station, overpowered the astonished guard, captured 
nearly two hundred prisoners, scattering the remainder of the 
troops stationed there far and wide in the darkness, and seized 
Pope s despatch-book with his plans and private papers. Stu 
art took also several hundred fine horses and burned a large 
number of wagons laden with supplies. Among his trophies 
was a fine uniform cloak and hat which wer the personal prop 
erty of General Pope. These were exchanged on the follow 
ing day for General Stuart s plumed hat which a few days 
before had been left behind by that officer when surprised by 
Federal _troops. 

otuart s bold raid proved a serious misfortune for the 
Union army. But Lee had far greater things in store. His 
next move was to send Jackson to Pope s rear with a large 
part of the Confederate army. Stealthily Jackson led his 
army westward, shielded by the woods, the thickets, and the 
low hills of the Blue Ridge. It was a quiet rural community 
through which he passed. The great majority of the simple 
country folk had never seen an army, though it is true that 
for many days the far-away boom of cannon, had reached their 
ears from the valley of the Rapidan. Now here was a real 
army at their very doors. Nor was it a hostile army, for their 
sympathies were Southern. With baskets and armfuls of 



Jackson s raid around Pope s army on Bristoe and Manassas stations in August, 1862, taught the Federal generals that both railroad 
and base of supplies must be guarded. Pope s army was out of subsistence and forage, and the single-track railroad was inadequate. 


This scrap-heap at Alexandria was composed of the remains of cars and engines destroyed by Jackson at Bristoe and Manassas stations. 
The Confederate leader marched fifty miles in thirty-six hours through Thoroughfare Gap, which Pope had neglected to guard. 

Haiti? at lull Shin * * * 


bread and pies and cakes they cheered as best they could the 
tattered and hungry men on the march. 

General Lee in the meantime had kept Longstreet in 
front of Pope s army on the Rappahannock to make daily 
demonstrations and feints and thus to divert Pope s attention 
from Jackson s movements and lead him to believe that he was 
to be attacked in front. The trick was eminently successful. 
" Stonewall " Jackson suddenly, on August 26th, emerged 
from the Bull Run Mountains by way of the Thoroughfare 
Gap and marshaled his clans on the plains of Manassas, but 
a few miles from the site of the famous battle of the year 

Pope had taken alarm. He was astonished to find Jack 
son in his rear, and he had to decide instantly between two 
courses to abandon his communications with Fredericksburg 
on the one hand, or with Alexandria and Washington on 
the other. He decided to keep in touch with Washington at 
all hazards. Breaking his camp on the Rappahannock, he 
hastened with all speed to lead his forces toward Manassas 
Junction, where he had stored vast quantities of provisions and 
munitions of war. But he was too late to save them. Jackson 
had been joined by Stuart and his cavalry. On the evening of 
the 26th they were still some miles from Manassas and Trimble 
was sent ahead to make sure the capture before Pope s army 
could arrive. Through the darkness rode these same hardy 
men who had a few nights before made their bold raid on Cat- 
lett s Station. Before midnight they reached Manassas. They 
met little opposition. The guard was overpowered. The spoils 
of this capture were great, including three hundred prisoners, 
one hundred and seventy-five horses, ten locomotives, seven 
long trains of provisions, and vast stores and munitions of war. 

Next morning the weary and hungry foot soldiers of 
Jackson s army came upon the scene and whatever else they 
did they feasted as only hungry men can. An eye-witness 
wrote, To see a starving man eating lobster-salad and 

a a 

.s s 

^ 3 a 

g * w 

2 I 

11 I 
















































































., ^ 





























o rs 

^ cs 

Is c 

1 3 

T HH " g 

S .. V Q 

to ^s 13, W 

S 8 

4> ^ 5 

4-1 * .S *" 
S 1 3 ~ 

t & 1 


" ^ g 



O ps 

Haiti? at lull Sun * 

drinking Rhine wine, barefooted and in tatters, was curious; 
the whole thing was incredible." 

The amazement at the North when the news of the cap- ^TT^xtl 
ture of Manassas became known cannot be described. But 
the newspapers belittled it, declaring that it was merely a bold 
raid and that for any large force to get between Pope s army 
and Washington before Pope became aware of the attempt 
was simply impossible. 

Jackson had done an astonishing thing. But his position 
was precarious, nevertheless. Pope was moving toward him 
with a far larger army, recently augmented by Heintzelman s 
corps from the Army of the Potomac, while Fitz John Porter 
with an additional force was not far off. It is true that 
Longstreet was hastening to the aid of Jackson, but he had 
to come by the same route which had brought Jackson- 
through Thoroughfare Gap and Pope thought he saw a 
great opportunity. If he could only detain Longstreet at 
the gap, why should he not crush Jackson with his superior 
numbers? To this end he sent orders to Porter, to McDowell, 
and to Kearny and others whose forces were scattered about 
the cpu/itry, to concentrate during the night of the 27th 
and move upon Jackson. McDowell sent Ricketts with a 
small force too small to prevent Longstreet from passing 
through Thoroughfare Gap, and hastened to join the main 
army against Jackson. But that able commander was not to 
be caught in a trap. He moved from Manassas Junction by 
three roads toward the old battle-field of Bull Run and by 
noon on the 28th the whole corps was once more united between 
Centreville and Sudley Spring. Late in the day he encoun 
tered King s division of McDowell s corps near the village of 
Groveton, and a sharp fight was opened and kept up till an 
hour after dark. The Confederates were left in possession of 
the field. 

The following day, August 29th, was the first of the two 
days battle, leaving out of account the fight of the evening 


By a move of unparalleled boldness, "Stone 
wall" Jackson, with twenty thousand men, 
captured the immense Union supplies at 
Manassas Junction, August 2G, 1802. His was 
a perilous position. Washington lay one day s 
march to the north; Warrenton, Pope s head 
quarters, but twelve miles distant to the 
southwest; and along the Rappahannock, 
between "Stonewall" Jackson and Lee, stood 
the tents of another host which outnumbered 
the whole Confederate army. "Stonewall" 
Jackson had seized Bristoe Station in order to 
break down the railway bridge over Broad 
Run, and to proceed at his leisure with the 
destruction of the stores. A train returning 
empty from "VVarrenton Junction to Alexan 
dria darted through the station under heavy 
fire. The line Was promptly torn up. Two 
trains which followed in the same direction as 
the first went crashing down a high embank 
ment. The report received at Alexandria 
from the train which escaped ran as fol 

lows: "No. 6 train, engine Secretary, was 
fired into at Bristoe by a party of cavalry 
some five hundred strong. They had piled 
ties on the track, but the engine threw them 
off. Secretary is completely riddled by bul 
lets." It was a full day before the Federals 
realized that "Stonewall" Jackson was really 
there with a large force. Here, in abundance, 
was all that had been absent for some time; 
besides commissary stores of all sorts, ther e 
were two trains loaded with new clothing, to 
say nothing of sutler s stores, replete with 
"extras" not enumerated in the regulations, 
and also the camp of a cavalry regiment which 
had vacated in favor of Jackson s men. It 
was an interesting sight to see the hungry, 
travel- worn men attacking this profusion and 
rewarding themselves for all their fatigues and 
deprivations of the preceding few days, and 
their enjoyment of it and of the day s rest 
allowed them. There was a great deal of 
difficulty for a time in finding what each man 
needed most, but this was overcome through 
a crude barter of belongings as the day wore on. 


iwotth Sattl? at lull Sun * + * 

before and the desultory fighting of the preceding ten days. 
General Pope was still hopeful of crushing Jackson before the 
arrival of Long-street, and on the morning of the 29th he 
ordered a general advance across Bull Run. As the noon hour 
approached a wild shout that arose from Jackson s men told 
too well of the arrival of Longstreet. Far away on the hills 
near Gainesville could be seen the marching columns of Long- 
street, who had passed through the gap in safety and who was 
now rushing to the support of Jackson. The Confederate 
army was at last to be reunited. Jackson was greatly relieved. 
Pope had lost his opportunity of fighting the army of his 
opponent in sections. 

The field was almost the same that the opposing forces 
had occupied a year and a month before when the first great 
battle of the war was fought. And many of them were the 
same men. Some who had engaged in that first conflict had 
gone home and had refused to reenlist; others had found sol 
diers graves since then but still others on both sides were 
here again, no longer the raw recruits that they were before, 
but, with their year of hard experience in the field, they were 
trained soldiers, equal to any in the world. 

The two armies faced each other in a line nearly five miles 
long. There was heavy fighting here and there along the line 
from the early morning hours, but no general engagement 
until late in the afternoon. The Union right pressed hard 
against the Confederate left and by ten o clock had forced it 
back more than a mile. But the Confederates, presently reen- 
forced in that quarter, hurled heavy masses of infantry against 
the Union right and regained much that it had lost. Late in 
the afternoon fresh regiments under Kearny and Hooker 
charged the Confederate left, which was swept back and rolled 
in upon the center. But presently the Southern General Hood, 
with his famous Texan brigade, rushed forward in a wild, 
irresistible dash, pressed Kearny back, captured one gun, 
several flags and a hundred prisoners. Night then closed over 


Where the troops of General McC lellan, waiting near the 
round-house at Alexandria, were hurried forward to the scene of 
action where Pope was struggling with Jackson and Ewell. Pope 
had counted upon the assistance of these 
re enforcements in making the forward 
movement by which he expected to hold 
Lee back. The old bogey of leaving the 
National Capital defenseless set up a vacil 
lation in General Halleck s mind and the 
troops were held overlong at Alexandria. 
Had they been promptly forwarded, 
"Stonewall" Jackson s blow at Manassas 
Junction could not have been struck. At 
the news of that disaster the troops were 
hurriedly despatched down the railroad 
toward Manassas. But Pope was already in 
retreat in three columns toward that point, 
McDowell had failed to intercept the Con 
federate reinforcements coming through 
Thoroughfare Gap, and the situation had 
become critical. General Taylor, with his 
brigade of New Jersey troops, was the 
first of McClellan s forces to be moved 
forward to the aid of Pope. At Union 


Mills, Colonel Scammon, commanding the First Brigade, driven 
back from Manassas Junction, was further pressed by the Confed 
erates on the morning of August 27th. Later in the day General 

Taylor s brigade arrived by the Fairfax 

road and, crossing the railroad bridge, met 
the Confederates drawn up and waiting 
near Manassas Station. A severe artillery 
fire greeted the Federals as they emerged 
from the woods. As General Taylor had 
no artillery, he was obliged either to 
retire or charge. He chose the latter. 
When the Confederate cavalry threatened 
to surround his small force, however, 
Taylor fell back in good order across the 
bridge, where two Ohio regiments assisted 
in holding the Confederates in check. At 
this point, General Taylor, who had been 
wounded in the retreat, was borne past 
in a litter. Though suffering much, 
he appealed to the officers to prevent 
another Bull Run. The brigade retired 
in good order to Fairfax Court House, 
GENERAL where General Taylor died of his wounds 

TAYLOR a short time afterward. 

Saitl* at lull Sun * * 


the scene and the two armies rested on their arms until the 

The first day s battle is sometimes called the battle of 
Groveton, but usually it is considered as the first half of 
the second battle of Bull Run. It was a formidable con 
flict in itself. The Union loss was at least forty-five hun 
dred men, the Confederate was somewhat larger. Over the 
gory field lay multitudes of men, the blue and the gray com 
mingled, who would dream of battlefields no more. The 
living men lay down among the dead in order to snatch a 
little rest and strength that they might renew the strife in 
the morning. 

It is a strange fact that Lee and Pope each believed that 
the other would withdraw his army during the night, and each 
was surprised in the morning to find his opponent still on the 
ground, ready, waiting, defiant. It was quite certain that on 
this day, August 30th, there would be a decisive action and 
that one of the two armies would be victor and the other de 
feated. The two opposing commanders had called in their 
outlying battalionsajid the armies now faced each other in 
almost full force, [the Confederates with over fifty thousand 
men and the Union forces exceeding their opponents by prob 
ably fifteen thousand men. The Confederate left wing was 
commanded by Jackson, and the right by Longstreet. The 
extreme left of the Union army was under Fitz John Porter, 
who, owing to a misunderstanding of orders, had not reached 
the field the day before. The center was commanded by 
Heintzelman and the right by Reno. 

In the early hours of the morning the hills echoed with 
the firing of artillery, with which the day was opened. Porter 
made an infantry attack in the forenoon, but was met by 
the enemy in vastly superior numbers and was soon pressed 
back in great confusion. As the hours passed one fear 
ful attack followed another, each side in turn pressing for 
ward and again receding. In the afternoon a large part of 






Here might have been won a Federal victory that would have precluded defeat at Second Bull 
Run. The corps of General Heintzelman, consisting of the divisions of Hooker and Kearny, was 
the next detachment of McClellan s forces to arrive to the aid of Pope. On the 28th of August, 
Heintzelman had pushed forward to Centreville, entering it soon after " Stonewall " Jackson s 
rear-guard had retired. Instead of pursuing, Heintzelman drew up his forces east of Cub Run, 
which we see in the picture. Jackson s forces, now in a precarious position, fell back toward 
Thoroughfare Gap to form a junction with Longstreet s Corps, which Lee had sent forward. The 
battle was commenced on the west somewhat feebly by Generals McDowell and Sigel. By night 
fall the Confederate left had been driven back fully a mile. 


ISatil? at 


the Union army made a desperate onslaught on the Confed 
erate left under Jackson. Here for some time the slaughter 
of men was fearful. It was nearing sunset. Jackson saw that 
his lines were wavering. Pie called for reenforcements which 
did not come and it seemed as if the Federals were about to 
win a signal victory. But this was not to be. Far away on a 
little hill at the Confederate right Longstreet placed four bat 
teries in such a position that he could enfilade the Federal col 
umns. Quickly he trained his cannon on the Federal lines that 
were hammering away at Jackson, and opened fire. Ghastly 
gaps were soon cut in the Federal ranks and they fell back. 
But they re-formed and came again and still again, each time 
only to be mercilessly cut down by Longstreet s artillery. At 
length Longstreet s whole line rushed forward, and with the 
coming of darkness, the whole Union front began to waver. 

General Lee, seeing this, ordered the Confederates in all 
parts of the field to advance. With wild, triumphant yells they 
did so. It was now dark and there was little more fighting; 
but Lee captured several thousand prisoners. Pope retreated 
across Bull Run with the remnant of his army and by morning 
was ensconced behind the field-works at Centreville. 

There was no mistaking the fact that General Pope had 
lost the battle and the campaign. He decided to lead his army 
back to the entrenchments of Washington. After spending a 
day behind the embankments at Centreville, the retreat was 
begun. Lee s troops with Jackson in the advance pursued and 
struck a portion of the retreating army at Chantilly. 

It was late in the afternoon of September 1st. The rain, 
accompanied by vivid lightning and terrific crashes of thunder, 
was falling in torrents as Stuart s horsemen, sent in advance, 
were driven back by the Federal infantry. Jackson now 
pushed two of A. P. Hill s brigades forward to ascertain the 
condition of the Union army. General Reno was protecting 
Pope s right flank, and he lost no time in proceeding against 
Hill. The latter was promptly checked, and both forces took 



Sleeping on their arms on the night 
of August 29th, the Federal veterans 
were as confident of having won a 
victory as were the raw troops in the 
beginning of the first battle of Bull 
Run. But the next day s fighting 
was to tell the tale. General Ewell 
had been wounded in the knee by 
a minie ball in the severe fight at 
Groveton and was unable to lead 
his command; but for the impetuos 
ity of this commander was substi 
tuted that of Longstreet, nicknamed 
"the War-Horse," whose arrival in 
the midst of the previous day s en- 


gagement had cost the Federals dear. On the morning of the second day Longstreet s batteries opened 
the engagement. When the general advance came, as the sun shone on the parallel lines of glittering bayo 
nets, it was Longstreet s men bringing their muskets to " the ready " who first opened fire with a long 
flash of flame. It was they who pressed most eagerly forward and, in the face of the Federal batteries, 
fell upon the troops of General McDowell at the left and drove them irresistibly back. Although the 
right Federal wing, in command of General Heintzelman, had not given an inch, it was this turning of the 
left by Longstreet which put the whole Federal army in retreat, driving them across Bull Run. The Con 
federates were left in possession of the field, where lay thousands of Federal dead and wounded, and Lee 
was free to advance his victorious troops into the North unmolested. 


Sattl? at lull Jftrat 

position for battle. One side and then the other fell back in 
turn as lines were re-formed and urged forward. ISigh 4 : fell 
and the tempest s fury increased. The ammunition of both 
armies was so wet that much of it could not be used. Try as 
they would the Confederates were unable to break the Union 
line and the two armies finally withdrew. The Confederates 
suffered a loss of five hundred men in their^unsuccessful at 
tempt to demoralize Pope in his retreat, and the Federals more 
than a thousand, including Generals Stevens and Kearny. 

General Kearny might have been saved but for his reck 
less bravery. He was rounding up the retreat of his men 
in the darkness of the night when he chanced to come within 
the Confederate lines. Called on to surrender, he lay flat on 
his horse s back, sank his spurs into its sides, and attempted to 
escape. Half a dozen muskets were leveled and fired at the 
fleeing general. Within thirty yards he rolled from his horse s 
back dead. 

The consternation in Washington and throughout the 
North when Pope s defeated army reached Arlington Heights 
can better be imagined than described. General Pope, who 
bore the brunt of public indignation, begged to be relieved of 
the command. The President complied with his wishes and 
the disorganized remnants of the Army of Virginia and the 
Army of the Potomac were handed to the " Little Napoleon " 
of Peninsula fame, George B. McClellan. 

The South was overjoyed with its victory twice it had 
unfurled its banner in triumph on the battlefield at Manassas 
by the remarkable strategy of its generals and the courage of 
its warriors on the firing-line. Twice it had stood literally on 
the road that led to the capital of the Republic, only by some 
strange destiny of war to fail to enter its precincts on the wave 
of victory. 



// ft 



"C" Company of the Forty-first New York after the Second 
Battle of Bull Run, August 30, 1862. When the troops of Gen 
erals Milroy and Schurz were hard pressed by overpowering num 
bers and exhausted by fatigue, this New York regiment, being 
ordered forward, quickly advanced with a cheer along the War- 
renton Turnpike and deployed about a mile 
west of the field of the conflict of July 21, 
1861. The fighting men replied with an 
swering shouts, for with the regiment that 
came up at the double quick galloped a 
battery of artillery. The charging Con 
federates were held and this position was 
assailed time and again. It became the 
center of the sanguinary combat of the 
day, and it was here that the "Bull-Dogs" 
earned their name. Among the first to 
rr-poiul t<> Lincoln s call, they enlisted in 
June. 61. ;ind when their first service was 
nver they .stepped forward to a man, speci 
fying no term of service but putting their 
names on the Honor Roll of "For the War." 

Brigadier-General King, a division commander in this battle, was 
a soldier by profession, and a diplomatist and journalist by in 
heritance for he was a graduate of West Point, a son of Charles 
King, editor of the New York American in 1827, and a grandson 
of the elder Rufus, an officer of the Revolution and Minister 
to the Court of St. James. He had left 
the army in 1836 to become Assistant En 
gineer of the New York & Erie Railroad, 
a post he gave up to become editor of the 
Daily Advertiser, and subsequently of the 
Milwaukee Sentinel. At the outbreak of 
the war Lincoln had appointed him Minis 
ter to Rome, but he asked permission to 
delay his departure, and was made a Brig 
adier-General of Volunteers. Later he re 
signed as Minister, and was assigned to 
McDowell s corps. At the battle of Ma- 
nassas, in which the Forty-first New York 
earned honor, he proved an able leader. 
In 1867 he was again appointed as 
Minister of the United States to Italy. 



Major-General Henry Wager Halleck; born 1814; West Point 1839; died 1872. Sherman credits 
Halleck with having first discovered that Forts Henry and Donelson, where the Tennessee and 
the Cumberland Rivers so closely approach each other, were the keypoints to the defensive 
line of the Confederates in the W r est. Succeeding Fremont in November, 1861, Halleck, im 
portuned by both Grant and Foote, authorized the joint expedition into Tennessee, and after its 
successful outcome he telegraphed to Washington: " Make Buell, Grant, and Pope major-generals 
of volunteers and give me command in the West. I ask this in return ior Donelson and Henry." 
He was chosen to be General-in-Chief of the Federal Armies at the crisis created by the failure 
of Mc-Clellan s Peninsula Campaign. Halleck held this position"trom July 11, 1862, until Grant, 
who had succeeded him in the West, finally superseded him at Washington. 

[Part V] 

Painted by E. Jahn. 


Copyright, lyoi, by Perrien-Keydel Co.. 
Detroit, Mich., U. S. A. 



At Sharpsburg (Antietam) was sprung the keystone of the arch upon 
which the Confederate cause rested. James Long-street, Lieutenant-General 
C.S.A., in "Battles and Leaders of the Civil War."" 

A BATTLE remarkable in its actualities but more won 
derful in its possibilities was that of Antietam, with the 
preceding capture of Harper s Ferry and the other interest 
ing events that marked the invasion of Maryland by General 
Lee. It was one of the bloodiest and the most picturesque 
conflicts of the Civil War, and while it was not all that the 
North was demanding and not all that many military critics 
think it might have been, it enabled President Lincoln to feel 
that he could with some assurance issue, as he did, his Eman 
cipation Proclamation. 

Lee s army, fifty thousand strong, had crossed the Poto 
mac at Leesburg and had concentrated around Frederick, the 
scene of the Barbara Frietchie legend, only forty miles 
from Washington. When it became known that Lee, elated 
by his victory at Second Bull Run, had taken the daring 
step of advancing into Maryland, and now threatened the 
capital of the Republic, McClellan, commanding the Army 
of the Potomac, pushed his forces forward to encounter the 
invaders. Harper s Ferry, at the junction of the Potomac 
and the Shenandoah rivers, was a valuable defense against 
invasion through the Valley of Virginia, but once the Con 
federates had crossed it, a veritable trap. General Halleck 
ordered it held and General Lee sent " Stonewall " Jackson to 
take it, by attacking the fortress on the Virginia side. 

Jackson began his march on September 10th with secret 
instructions from his commander to encompass and capture the 


ihtuaaum 0f 


Federal garrison and the vast store of war material at this 
place, made famous a few years before by old John Brown. To 
conceal his purpose from the inhabitants he inquired along the 
route about the roads leading into Pennsylvania. It was from 
his march through Frederick that the Barbara Frietchie story 
took its rise. But there is every reason to believe that General 
Jackson never saw the good old lady, that the story is a myth, 
and that Mr. Whittier, who has given us the popular poem 
under the title of her name, was misinformed. However, Colo 
nel H. K. Douglas, who was a member of Jackson s staff, 
relates, in " Battles and Leaders of the Civil War," an inter 
esting incident where his commander on entering Middletown 
was greeted by two young girls waving a Union flag. The 
general bowed to the young women, raised his hat, and re 
marked to some of his officers, " We evidently have no friends 
in this town." Colonel Douglas concludes, " This is about 
the way he would have treated Barbara Frietchie." 

On the day after Jackson left Frederick he crossed the 
Potomac by means of a ford near Williamsport and on the 
13th he reached Bolivar Heights. Harper s Ferry lies in a 
deep basin formed by Maryland Heights on the north bank of 
the Potomac, Loudon Heights on the south bank, and Bolivar 
Heights on the west. The Shenandoah River breaks through 
the pass between Loudon and Bolivar Heights and the village 
lies between the two at the apex formed by the junction of 
the two rivers. 

As Jackson approached the place by way of Bolivar 
Heights, Walker occupied Loudon Heights and McLaws in 
vested Maryland Heights. All were unopposed except Mc 
Laws, who encountered Colonel Ford with a force to dispute 
his ascent. Ford, however, after some resistance, spiked his 
guns and retired to the Ferry, where Colonel Miles had re 
mained with the greater portion of the Federal troops. Had 
Miles led his entire force to Maryland Heights he could no 
doubt have held his ground until McClellan came to his relief. 




Thus appeared Jefferson Davis, who on the eve of Antietam was facing one of the gravest crises of his career. Eighteen 
months previously, on February 9, 1861, he had been unanimously elected president of the Confederate States of America. 
He was then opposed to war. He maintained that the secession of the Southern states should be regarded as a purely peaceful 
move. But events had swiftly drawn him and his government into the most stupendous civil conflict of modern times. Now, 
in September, 1862, he was awaiting the decision of fate. The Southern forces had advanced northward triumphantly. 
Elated by success, they were at this moment invading the territory of the enemy under the leadership of Lee, whose victories 
had everywhere inspired not only confidence but enthusiasm and devotion. Should he overthrow the Northern armies, the 
Confederacy would be recognized abroad and its independence probably established at home. Should he be defeated, no 
one could foretell the result. Antietam was lost. From this time the fortunes of the Confederacy waned. 

nttrtam Sty? imraaum nf tlj? Nnrtt} 


But General Halleck had ordered him to hold Harper s Ferry 
to the last, and Miles interpreted this order to mean that he 
must hold the town itself. He therefore failed to occupy the 
heights around it in sufficient strength and thus permitted him 
self to be caught in a trap. 

During the day of the 14th the Confederate artillery was 
dragged up the mountain sides, and in the afternoon a heavy 
fire was opened on the doomed Federal garrison. On that 
day McClellan received word from Miles that the latter could 
hold out for two days longer- and the commanding general sent 
word: " Hold out to the last extremity. If it is possible, re- 
occupy the Maryland Heights with your entire force. If you 
can do that I will certainly be able to relieve you. . . . Hold 
out to the last." McClellan was approaching slowly and felt 
confident he could relieve the place. 

On the morning of the 15th the roar of Confederate artil 
lery again resounded from hill to hill. From London to Mary 
land Heights the firing had begun and a little later the battle- 
flags of A. P. Hill rose on Bolivar Heights. Scarcely two 
hours had the firing continued when Colonel Miles raised the 
white flag at Harper s Ferry and its garrison of 12,500, with 
vast military stores, passed into the hands of the Confederates. 
Colonel Miles was struck by a stray fragment of a Confederate 
shell which gave him a mortal wound. The force of General 
Franklin, preparing to move to the garrison s relief, on the 
morning of the 15th noted that firing at the Ferry had ceased 
and suspected that the garrison had surrendered, as it had. 

The Confederate Colonel Douglas, whose account of the 
surrender is both absorbing and authoritative, thus describes 
the surrender in " Battles and Leaders of the Civil War ": 

" Under instructions from General Jackson, I rode up the 
pike and into the enemy s lines to ascertain the purpose of the 
white flag. Near the top of the hill I met General White and 
staff and told him my mission. He replied that Colonel Miles 
had been mortally wounded, that he was in command and 


Sharpsburg, Maryland, September 17, 1862. There were long minutes on that 
sunny day in the early fall of 1862 when Robert E. Lee, at his headquarters west of 
Sharpsburg, must have been in almost entire ignorance of how the battle went. 
Outnumbered he knew his troops were; outfought he knew they never would be. 
Longstreet, Hood, D. H. Hill, Evans, and D. R. Jones had turned back more than 
one charge in the morning; but, as the day wore on, Lee perceived that the cen 
ter must be held. Sharpsburg was the key. He had deceived McClellan as to 
his numerical strength and he must continue to do so. Lee had practically no 
reserves at all. At one time General Longstreet reported from the center to 
General Chilton, Lee s Chief of Staff, that Cooke s North Carolina regiment- 
still keeping its colors at the front had not a cartridge left. None but veteran 
troops could hold a line like this, supported by only two guns of Miller s battery 
of the Washington Artillery. Of this crisis in the battle General Longstreet wrote 
afterward: "We were already badly whipped and were holding our ground by sheer 
force of desperation." Actually in line that day on the Confederate side were only 
37,000 men, and opposed to them were numbers that could be footed up to 50,000 
more. At what time in the day General Lee must have perceived that the invasion 
of Maryland must come to an end cannot be told. He had lost 20,000 of his tired, 
footsore army by straggling on the march, according to the report of Longstreet, 
who adds : " Nearly one-fourth of the troops who went into the battle were killed or 
wounded." At dark Lee s rearward movement had begun. 






, X 

desired to have an interview with General Jackson. ... I con 
ducted them to General Jackson, whom I found sitting on his 
horse where I had left him. . . . The contrast in appearances 
there presented was striking. General White, riding a hand 
some black horse, was carefully dressed and had on untarnished 
gloves, boots, and sword. His staff were equally comely in 
costume. On the other hand, General Jackson was the din 
giest, worst-dressed and worst-mounted general that a warrior 
who cared for good looks and style would wish to surrender to. 

" General Jackson . . . rode up to Bolivar and down 
into Harper s Ferry. The curiosity in the Union army to 
see him was so great that the soldiers lined the sides of the 
road. . . . One man had an echo of response all about him 
when he said aloud : Boys, he s not much for looks, but if 
we d had him we wouldn t have been caught in this trap. 

McClellan had failed to reach Harper s Ferry in time to 
relieve it because he was detained at South Mountain by a con 
siderable portion of Lee s army under D. H. Hill and Long- 
street. McClellan had come into possession of Lee s general 
order, outlining the campaign. Discovering by this order that 
Lee had sent Jackson to attack Harper s Ferry he made every 
effort to relieve it. 

The affair at Harper s Ferry, as that at South Mountain, 
was but a prelude to the tremendous battle that was to follow 
two days later on the banks of the little stream called An- 
tietam Creek, in Maryland. When it was known that Lee had 
led his army across the Potomac the people were filled with 
consternation the people, not only of the immediate vicinity, 
but of Harrisburg, of Baltimore, of Philadelphia. Their fear 
was intensified by the memory of the Second Bull Run of a 
few weeks earlier, and by the fact that at this very time 
General Bragg was marching northward across Kentucky 
with a great army, menacing Louisville and Cincinnati. 

As one year before, the hopes of the North had centered 
in George B. McClellan, so it was now with the people of the 



:*w m 

J * k 


Here sits Colonel T. G. Morehead, who 
commanded the 106th Pennsylvania, 
of the Second Corps. At 7.20 A.M. 
the order came to advance, and with 
a cheer the Second Corps men who 
for over two years had never lost a 
gun nor struck a color pressed for 
ward. But again they were halted. 
It was almost an hour later when 
Sedgwick s division, with Sumner at 
the head, crossed the Antietam. Arriv 
ing nearly opposite the Dunker church, 
it swept out over the cornfields. On 
it went, by Greene s right, through the 
West Woods; here it met the awful 
counter-stroke of Early s reenforced 
division and, stubbornly resisting, was 
hurled back wjth frightful loss. 

Early in the morning of September 17, 
1862, Knap s battery (shown below) 
got into the thick of the action of An 
tietam. General Mansfield had posted 
it opposite the north end of the W T est 
W T oods, close to the Confederate line. 
The guns opened fire at seven o clock. 
Practically unsupported, the battery 
was twice charged upon during the 
morning; but quickly substituting 
canister for shot and shell, the men 
held their ground and stemmed the 
Confederate advance. Near this spot 
General Mansfield was mortally 
wounded while deploying his troops. 
About noon a section of Knap s bat 
tery was detached to the assistance of 
General Greene, in the East W : oods. 








East. They were ready to forget his failure to capture Rich 
mond in the early summer and to contrast his partial successes 
on the Peninsula with the drastic defeat of his successor at 
the Second Bull Run. 

When McClellan, therefore, passed through Maryland to 
the scene of the coming battle, many of the people received him 
with joy and enthusiasm. At Frederick City, he tells us in 
his " Own Story," he was " nearly overwhelmed and pulled to 
pieces," and the people invited him into their houses and gave 
him every demonstration of confidence. 

The first encounter, a double one, took place on September 
14th, at two passes of South Mountain, a continuation of the 
Blue Ridge, north of the Potomac. General Franklin, who 
had been sent to relieve Harper s Ferry, met a Confederate 
force at Crampton s Gap and defeated it in a sharp battle of 
three hours duration. Meanwhile, the First and Ninth Army 
Corps, under Burnside, encountered a stronger force at Turner s 
Gap seven miles farther up. The battle here continued many 
hours, till late in the night, and the Union troops were vic 
torious. General Reno was killed. Lee s loss was nearly 
twenty-seven hundred, of whom eight hundred were prisoners. 
The Federals lost twenty-one hundred men and they failed to 
save Harper s Ferry. 

Lee now placed Longstreet and D. H. Hill in a strong 
position near Keedysville, but learning that McClellan was 
advancing rapidly, the Confederate leader decided to retire to 
Sharpsburg, where he could be more easily joined by Jackson. 

September 16th was a day of intense anxiety and unrest 
in the valley of the Antietam. The people who had lived in 
the farmhouses that dotted the golden autumn landscape in 
this hitherto quiet community had now abandoned their homes 
and given place to the armed forces. It w r as a day of marshal 
ing and maneuvering of the gathering thousands, preparatory 
to the mighty conflict that was clearly seen to be inevitable. 
Lee had taken a strong position on the west bank of Antietam 


This photograph was taken back of the rail fence on the Hagerstown pike, where "Stonewall" Jackson s men attempted to rally in 
the face of Hooker s ferocious charge that opened the bloodiest day of the Civil War September 17, 1862. Hooker, advancing to 
seize high ground nearly three-quarters of a mile distant, had not gone far before the glint of the rising sun disclosed the bayonet- 
points of a large Confederate force standing in a cornfield in his immediate front. This was a part of Jackson s Corps which had 
arrived during the morning of the 16th from the capture of Harper s Ferry and had been posted in this position to surprise Hooker 
in his advance. The outcome was a terrible surprise to the Confederates. All of Hooker s batteries hurried into action and opened 
with canister on the cornfield. The Confederates stood bravely up against this fire, and as Hooker s men advanced they made a de 
termined resistance. Back and still farther back were Jackson s men driven across the open field, every stalk of corn in which was 
cut down by the battle as closely as a knife could have done it. On the ground the slain lay in rows precisely as they had stood in 
ranks. From the cornfield into a small patch of woods (the West Woods) the Confederates were driven, leaving the sad result of the 
surprise behind them. As the edge of the woods was approached by Hooker s men the resistance became stronger and more stub 
born. Nearly all the units of two of Jackson s divisions were now in action, and cavalry and artillery were aiding them. "The two 
lines," says General Palfrey, "almost tore each other to pieces." General Starke and Colonel Douglas on the Confederate side were 
killed. More than half of Lawton s and Hays brigades were either killed or wounded. On the Federal side General Ricketts lost a 
third of his division. The energy of both forces was entirely spent and reinforcements were necessary before the battle could 
be continued. Many of Jackson s men wore trousers and caps of Federal blue, as did most of the troops which had been 
engaged with Jackson in the affair at Harper s Ferry. A. P. Hill s men, arriving from Harper s Ferry that same afternoon, were 
dressed in new Federal uniforms a part of their booty and at first were mistaken for Federals by the friends who were anxiously 
awaiting them. 


3lmraat0n nf 


Creek a few miles from where it flows into the Potomac. He 
made a display of force, exposing his men to the fire of the 
Federal artillery, his object being to await the coming of 
Jackson s command from Harper s Ferry. It is true that 
Jackson himself had arrived, but his men were weary with 
marching and, moreover, a large portion of his troops under 
A. P. Hill and McLaws had not yet reached the field. 

McClellan spent the day arranging his corps and giving 
directions for planting batteries. With a few companions he 
rode along the whole front, frequently drawing the fire of the 
Confederate batteries and thus revealing their location. The 
right wing of his army, the corps of Generals Hooker, Mans 
field, and Sumner, lay to the north, near the village of Keedys- 
ville. General Porter with two divisions of the Fifth Corps 
occupied the center and Burnside was on the left of the Union 
lines. Back of McClellan s lines was a ridge on which was a 
signal station commanding a view of the entire field. Late on 
the afternoon of the 16th, Hooker crossing the Antietam, ad 
vanced against Hood s division on the Confederate left. For 
several hours there was heavy skirmishing, which closed with 
the coming of darkness. 

The two great armies now lay facing each other in a grand 
double line three miles in length. At one point (the Union 
right and the Confederate left) they were so near together that 
the pickets could hear each other s tread. It required no 
prophet to foretell what would happen on the morrow. 

Beautiful and clear the morning broke over the Mary 
land hills on the fateful 17th of September, 1862. The sun 
light had not yet crowned the hilltops when artillery fire an 
nounced the opening of the battle. Hooker s infantry soon 
entered into the action and encountered the Confederates in an 
open field, from which the latter were presently pressed back 
across the Hagerstown pike to a line of woods where they made 
a determined stand. Hooker then called on General Mansfield 
to come to his aid, and the latter quickly did so, for he had led 


The field beyond the leveled fence is covered with both Federal 
and Confederate dead. Over this open space swept Sedgwick s 
division of Sumner s Second Corps, after passing through the East 
and entering the West Woods. This is near where the Confederate 
General Ewell s division, reenforced by McLaws and Walker, 
fell upon Sedgwick s left flank and rear. Nearly two thousand 
Federal soldiers were struck down, the division losing during the 
day more than forty per cent, of its entire number. One regi 
ment lost sixty per cent. the 
highest regimental loss sus 
tained. Later the right of the 
Confederate line crossed the 
turnpike at the Bunker church 
(about half a mile to the left 
of the picture) and made two 
assaults upon Greene, but they 
were repulsed with great 
slaughter. General D. R. 
Jones, of Jackson s division, 
had been wounded. The brave 
Starke who succeeded him was 
killed; and Lawton, who fol 
lowed Starke, had fallen 

A flaming mansion was the guidon for the extreme left of Greene s 
division when (early in the morning) he had moved forward along 
the ridge leading to the East Woods. This dwelling belonged to 
a planter by the name of Mumma. It stood in the very center 
of the Federal advance, and also at the extreme left of D. H. Hill s 
line. The house had been fired by the Confederates, who feared 
that its thick walls might become a vantage-point for the Federal 
infantry. It burned throughout the battle, the flames subsiding 

only in the afternoon. Before 
it, just across the road, a bat 
tery of the First Rhode Island 
Light Artillery had placed its 
guns. Twice were they charged, 
but each time they were re 
pulsed. From Mumma s house 
it was less than half a mile 
across the open field to the 
Dunker church. The fence- 
rails in the upper picture were 
those of the field enclosing 
Mumma s land, and the heroic 
dead pictured lying there were 
in full sight from the burning 



Immmnn 0f 

his corps across the Antietam after dark the night before. 
Mansfield, however, a gallant and honored veteran, fell mor 
tally wounded while deploying his troops, and General Al- 
pheus S. Williams, at the head of his first division, succeeded 
to the command. 

There was a wood west of the Sharpsburg and Hagers- 
town turnpike w r hich, with its outcropping ledges of rock, 
formed an excellent retreat for the Confederates and from this 
they pushed their columns into the open fields, chiefly of corn, 
to meet the Union attacks. For about two hours the battle 
raged at this point, the lines swaying to and fro, with fearful 
slaughter on both sides. At length, General Greene, who com 
manded a division of the fallen Mansfield s corps, gained pos 
session of part of the coveted forest, near a little white church, 
known as the Dunker s Chapel. This was on high ground and 
was the key to the Confederate left wing. But Greene s 
troops were exposed to a galling fire from D. H. Hill s divi 
sion and he called for reen for cements. 

General Sumner then sent Sedgwick s division across the 
stream and accompanied the troops to the aid of their hard- 
pressed comrades. And the experience of this body of the 
gallant Second Corps during the next hour w r as probably the 
most thrilling episode of the whole day s battle. Sedgwick s 
troops advanced straight toward the conflict. They found 
Hooker wounded and his and Williams troops quite ex 
hausted. A sharp artillery fire was turned on Sedgwick 
before he reached the woods west of the Hagerstown pike, 
but once in the shelter of the thick trees he passed in safety 
to the western edge. Here the division found itself in an am 
bush. Heavy Confederate reenforcements ten brigades, in 
fact Walker s men, and McLaws , having arrived from Har 
per s Ferry were hastening up, and they not only blocked the 
front, but worked around to the rear of Sedgwick s isolated 
brigades. Sedgwick was wounded in the awful slaughter that 
followed, but he and Sumner finally extricated their men with 


Here, at " Bloody Lane " in the sunken road, was delivered the 
most telling blow of which the Federals could boast in the day s 
fighting at Antietam, September 17, 1862. In the lower picture we 
see the officers whose work first began to turn the tide of battle into 
a decisive advantage which the Army of the Potomac had every 
reason to expect would be gained by its superior numbers. On 
the Federal right Jackson, with 
a bare four thousand men, had 
taken the fight out of Hooker s 
eighteen thousand in the morning, 
giving ground at last to Sumner s 
fresh troops. On the Federal 
left, Burnside (at the lower bridge) 
failed to advance against Long- 
street s Corps, two-thirds of which 
had been detached for service else 
where. It was at the center that 
the forces of French and Rich 
ardson, skilfully fought by their 
leaders, broke through the Con 
federate lines and, sweeping be 
yond the sunken road, seized the 

very citadel of the center. Meagher s Irish Brigade had fought 
its way to a crest from which a plunging fire could be poured 
upon the Confederates in the sunken road. Meagher s ammuni 
tion was exhausted, and Caldwell threw his force into the posi 
tion and continued the terrible combat. When the Confederates 
executed their flanking movement to the left, Colonel D. R. 
Cross, of the Fifth New Hamp 
shire, seized a position which ex 
posed Hill s men to an enfilading 
fire. (In the picture General Cald 
well is seen standing to the left 
of the tree, and Colonel Cross leans 
on his sword at the extreme right. 
Between them stands Lir- * C ] 
onel George W. Scott 
Sixty-first New York 
while at the left before 
stands Captain George V . . 
A.C.S. General Caldwell s hand 
rests on the shoulder of Captain 
George H. Caldwell; to his left is 
seated Lieutenant C. A. Alvord.) 



3Jmtam0u of tljr 

* * 

a loss of two thousand, over three hundred left dead on the 
ghastly field. Franklin now sent forward some fresh troops 
and after obstinately fighting, the Federals finally held a corn 
field and most of the coveted wood over which the conflict had 
raged till the ground was saturated with blood. 

Before the close of this bloody conflict on the Union right 
another, almost if not quite as deadly, was in progress near the 
center. General French, soon joined by General Richardson, 
both of Sumner s corps, crossed the stream and made a des 
perate assault against the Southerners of D. H. Hill s divis 
ion, stationed to the south of where the battle had previously 
raged French on a line of heights strongly held by the Con 
federates, Richardson in the direction of a sunken road, since 
known as " Bloody Lane." The fighting here was of a most 
desperate character and continued nearly four hours. French 
captured a few flags, several hundred prisoners, and gained 
some ground, but he failed to carry the heights. Richardson 
was mortally wounded while leading a charge and was suc 
ceeded by General Hancock; but his men finally captured 
Bloody Lane with the three hundred living men who had re 
mained to defend it. The final Federal charge at this point 
was made by Colonel Barlow, who displayed the utmost brav 
ery and self-possession in the thickest of the fight, where he 
won a brigadier-generalship. He was wounded, and later 
carried off the field. The Confederates had fought desperately 
to hold their position in Bloody Lane, and when it was captured 
it was filled with dead bodies. It was now about one o clock 
and the infantry firing ceased for the day on the Union right, 
and center. 

Let us now look on the other part of the field. Burnside 
held the Federal left wing against Lee s right, and he remained 
inactive for some hours after the battle had begun at the other 
end of the line. In front of Burnside was a triple-arched stone 
bridge across the Antietam, since known as " Burnside s 
Bridge." Opposite this bridge, on the slope which extends to a 


In three distinct localities the battle waxed fierce 
from dawn to dusk on that terrible day at An- 
tietam, September 17, 1862. First at the Federal 
right around the Dunker church; then at the 
sunken road, where the centers of both armies 
spent themselves in sanguinary struggle; lastly, 
late in the day, the struggle was renewed and 
ceased on the Sharpsburg road. When Burnside 
finally got his troops in motion, Sturgis division 
of the Ninth Corps was first to cross the creek ; his 
men advanced through an open ravine under a 
withering fire till they gained the opposite crest 
and held it until reenforced by Wilcox. To their 
right ran the Sharpsburg road, and an advance was 
begun in the direction of the Sherrick house. 

The fighting along the Sharpsburg road 
might have resulted in a Confederate dis 
aster had it not been for the timely arrival 
of the troops of General A. P. Hill. His 
six brigades of Confederate veterans had 
been the last to leave Harper s Ferry, re 
maining behind Jackson s main body in 
order to attend to the details of the sur 
render. Just as the Federal Ninth Corps 
was in the height of its advance, a cloud 
of dust on Harper s Ferry road cheered the 
Confederates to redoubled effort. Out of 
the dust the brigades of Hill debouched 
upon the field. Their fighting blood seemed 
to have but mounted more strongly dur 
ing their march of eighteen miles. With 
out waiting for orders, Hill threw his 
men into the fight and the progress of the 


Ninth Corps was stopped. Lee had counted 
on the arrival of Hill in time to prevent 
any successful attempt upon the Confeder 
ate right held by Longstreet s Corps, two- 
thirds of which had been detached in the 
thick of the fighting of the morning, when 
Lee s left and center suffered so severely. 
Burnside s delay at the bridge could not 
have been more fortunate for Lee if he had 
fixed its duration himself. Had the Con 
federate left been attacked at the time ap 
pointed, the outcome of Antietam could 
scarcely have been other than a decisive 
victory for the Federals. Even at the time 
when Burnside s tardy advance began, it 
must have prevailed against the weakened 
and wearied Confederates had not the fresh 
troops of A. P. Hill averted the disaster. 


In the advance along the Sharpsburg road near 
the Sherrick house the 79th New York "High 
landers" deployed as skirmishers. From or 
chards and cornfields and from behind fences and 
haystacks the Confederate sharpshooters opened 
upon them, but they swept on, driving in a part 
of Jones division and capturing a battery just 
before A. P. Hill s troops arrived. W T ith these 
reinforcements the Confederates drove back the 
brave Highlanders from the suburbs of Sharps 
burg, which they had reached. Stubborn Scotch 
blood would permit only a reluctant retreat. 
Sharp fighting occurred around the Sherrick 
house with results seen in the lower picture. 
Night closed the battle, both sides exhausted. 

immaum 0f 




high ridge, were Confederate breastworks and rifle-pits, which 
commanded the bridge with a direct or enfilading fire. While 
the Federal right was fighting on the morning of the 17th, Mc- 
Clellan sent an order to Burnside to advance on the bridge, 
to take possession of it and cross the stream by means of it. 
It must have been about ten o clock when Burnside received 
the order as McClellan was more than two miles away. 

Burnside s chief officer at this moment was General 
Jacob D. Cox (afterward Governor of Ohio), who had suc 
ceeded General Reno, killed at South Mountain. On Cox fell 
the task of capturing the stone bridge. The defense of 
the bridge was in the hands of General Robert Toombs, a 
former United States senator and a member of Jefferson 
Davis Cabinet. Perhaps the most notable single event in the 
life of General Toombs was his holding of the Burnside 
Bridge at Antietam for three hours against the assaults of the 
Federal troops. The Confederates had been weakened at this 
point by the sending of Walker to the support of Jackson, 
where, as we have noticed, he took part in the deadly assault 
upon Sedg wick s division. Toombs, therefore, with his one 
brigade had a heavy task before him in defending the bridge 
with his small force, notwithstanding his advantage of position. 

McClellan sent several urgent orders to advance at all 
hazards. Burnside forwarded these to Cox, and in the fear 
that the latter would be unable to carry the bridge by a direct 
front attack, he sent Rodman with a division to cross the creek 
by a ford some distance below. This was accomplished after 
much difficulty. Meanwhile, in rapid succession, one assault 
after another was made upon the bridge and, about one o clock, 
it was carried, at the cost of five hundred men. The Confed 
erates fell back. A lull in the fighting along the whole line 
of battle now ensued. 

Burnside, however, received another order from Mc 
Clellan to push on up the heights and to the village of Sharps- 
burg. The great importance of this move, if successful, was 


- -r- 



In the background rises the dome of the Capitol which this regiment remained to defend until it was ordered to Petersburg, in 1864. 
It appears in parade formation. The battery commander leads it, mounted. The battery consists of six pieces, divided into three 
platoons of two guns each. In front of each platoon is the platoon commander, mounted. Each piece, with its limber and caisson, forms 
a section; the chief of section is mounted, to the right and a little to the rear of each piece. The cannoneers are mounted on 
the limbers and caissons in the rear. To the left waves the notched guidon used by both the cavalry and light artillery. 



This photograph shows the flat nature of the open country about Washington. There were no natural fortifications around the city. 
Artificial works were necessary throughout. Fort Whipple lay to the south of Fort Corcoran, one of the three earliest forts con 
structed. It was built later, during one of the recurrent panics at the rumor that the Confederates were about to descend upon Wash 
ington. This battery of six guns, the one on the right hand, pointing directly out of the picture, looks quite formidable. One can 
imagine the burst of fire from the underbrush which surrounds it, should it open upon the foe. At present it is simply drilling. 


Slmmmnn nf 

that it would cut Lee out from his line of retreat by way of 

After replenishing the ammunition and adding some fresh 
troops, Cox advanced at three o clock with the utmost gal 
lantry toward Sharpsburg. The Confederates disputed the 
ground with great bravery. But Cox swept all before him and 
was at the edge of the village when he was suddenly confronted 
by lines in blue uniforms who instantly opened fire. The Fed 
erals were astonished to see the blue-clad battalions before 
them. They must be Union soldiers; but how did they get 
there? The matter was soon explained. They were A. P. 
Hill s division of Lee s army which had just arrived from 
Harper s Ferry, and they had dressed themselves in the uni 
forms that they had taken from the Federal stores. 

Hill had come just in time to save Lee s headquarters 
from capture. He checked Cox s advance, threw a portion of 
the troops into great confusion, and steadily pressed them back 
toward the Antietam. In this, the end of the battle, General 
Rodman fell mortally wounded. Cox retired in good order 
and Sharpsburg remained in the hands of the Confederates. 

Thus, with the approach of nightfall, closed the memor 
able battle of Antietam. For fourteen long hours more than 
one hundred thousand men, with five hundred pieces of artil 
lery, had engaged in titanic combat. As the pall of battle 
smoke rose and cleared away, the scene presented was one to 
make the stoutest heart shudder. There lay upon the ground, 
scattered for three miles over the valleys and the hills or in the 
improvised hospitals, more than twenty thousand men. Horace 
Greeley was probably right in pronouncing this the bloodiest 
day in American history. 

Although tactically it was a drawn battle, Antietam was 
decisively in favor of the North inasmuch as it ended the first 
Confederate attempt at a Northern invasion. General Lee 
realized that his ulterior plans had been thwarted by this en 
gagement and after a consultation with his corps commanders 


"He s not a regular but he s smart. " This tribute to the soldierly bearing of the trooper above was 
bestowed, forty-nine years after the taking of the picture, by an officer of the U. S. cavalry, himself a Civil 
War veteran. The recipient of such high praise is seen as he "stood to horse" a month after the battle 
of Antietam. The war was only in its second year, but his drill is quite according to army regulations 
hand to bridle, six inches from the bit. His steady glance as he peers from beneath his hat into the sun 
light tells its own story. Days and nights in the saddle without food or sleep, sometimes riding along the 
60-mile picket-line in front of the Army of the Potomac, sometimes faced by sudden encounters with the 
Southern raiders, have all taught him the needed confidence in himself, his horse, and his equipment. 

/^^^ II 

(3 ttltrtam 5fe Inuaston 0f 


he determined to withdraw from Maryland. On the night of 
the 18th the retreat began and early the next morning the 
Confederate army had all safely recrossed the Potomac. 

The great mistake of the Maryland campaign from the 
standpoint of the Confederate forces, thought General Long- 
street, was the division of Lee s army, and he believed that if 
Lee had kept his forces together he would not have been forced 
to abandon the campaign. At Antietam, he had less than 
forty thousand men, who were in poor condition for battle 
while McClellan had about eighty-seven thousand, most of 
whom were fresh and strong, though not more than sixty 
thousand were in action. 

The moral effect of the battle of Antietam was incalcul 
ably great. It aroused the confidence of the Northern people. 
It emboldened President Lincoln to issue five days after its 
close the proclamation freeing the slaves in the seceded states. 
He had written the proclamation long before, but it had lain 
inactive in his desk at Washington. All through the struggles 
of the summer of 1862 he had looked forward to the time when 
he could announce his decision to the people. But he could not 
do it then. With the doubtful success of Federal arms, to 
make such a bold step would have been a mockery and would 
have defeated the very end he sought. 

The South had now struck its first desperate blow at the 
gateways to the North. By daring, almost unparalleled in 
warfare, it had swung its courageous army into a strategical 
position where with the stroke of fortune it might have ham 
mered down the defenses of the National capital on the south 
and then sweep on a march of invasion into the North. The 
Northern soldiers had parried the blow. They had saved them 
selves from disaster and had held back the tide of the Con 
federacy as it beat against the Mason and Dixon line, forcing 
it back into the State of Virginia where the two mighty fight 
ing bodies were soon to meet again in a desperate struggle for 
the right-of-way at Fredericksburg. 


President Lincoln s Visit to the Camps at Antietam, October 8, 1862. Yearning for the speedy termination of the war, Lincoln came to 
view the Army of the Potomac, as he had done at Harrison s Landing. Puzzled to understand how Lee could have circumvented a 
superior force on the Peninsula, he was now anxious to learn why a crushing blow had not been struck. Lincoln (after Gettysburg) 
expressed the same thought: "Our army held the war in the hollow of their hand and they would not close it!" On Lincoln s right 
stands Allan Pinkerton, the famous detective and organizer of the Secret Service of the army. At the President s left is General 
John A. McClernand, soon to be entrusted by Lincoln with reorganizing military operations in the West. 



As it is, the battle of Stone s River seems less clearly a Federal 
victory than the battle of Shiloh. The latter decided the fall of Corinth; 
the former did not decide the fall of Chattanooga. Offensively it was a 
drawn battle, as looked at from either side. As a defensive battle, how 
ever, it was clearly a Union victory. John Fiske in "The Mississippi 
Valley in the Civil War." 


HE battle of Corinth developed a man William S. Rose- 
JL crans whose singular skill in planning the battle, and 
whose dauntless courage in riding between the firing-lines at 
the opportune moment, drew the country s attention almost 
as fully as Grant had done at Fort Donelson. And at this 
particular moment the West needed, or thought it needed, a 
man. The autumn months of 1862 had been spent by Generals 
Bragg and Buell in an exciting race across Kentucky, each at 
the head of a great army. Buell had saved Louisville from the 
legions of Bragg, and he had driven the Confederate Army 
of the Mississippi from the State; but he had not prevented 
his opponent from carrying away a vast amount of plunder, 
nor had he won decisive results at the battle of Perryville, 
which took place October 8, 1862, four days after the battle 
of Corinth. Thereupon the Federal authorities decided to 
relieve Buell of the Army of the Ohio and to give it to 
General Rosecrans. 

On October 30, 1862, Rosecrans assumed command at 
Nashville of this force, which was now designated as the Army 
of the Cumberland. Bragg had concentrated his army at 
Murfreesboro, in central Tennessee, about thirty miles south 
east of Nashville and a mile east of a little tributary of the 
Cumberland River called Stone s River. Here occurred, two 
months later, the bloodiest single day s battle in the West, 

y l 

S"? M 

S> 6C 



ii* I 

~ .a -n 


60 O> O 

i 5 " 


| JZ 

03 .S S O 

cS ^3 ,a 

J U ^ 1 

O ^ 60 

. o .2 *> 

^ ^ t 

0) <-> 

~ 2 a 



g -* 




^J li 

O 03 

- ? 
/ PQ 



g 3 


t^a _5 

! rtg 

I s i . 

^""^ fl fe ^ 


60 S 

o g . 




r? Jltfmmttor (Enmhat at j 


g>tmt? Stwr $ 

a conflict imminent as soon as the news came (on December 
26th) that the Federals were advancing from Nashville. 

General Bragg did not lose a moment in marshaling his 
army into well-drawn battle-lines. His army was in two corps 
with a cavalry division under General Wheeler, Forrest and 
Morgan being on detached service. The left wing, under Gen 
eral Hardee, and the center, under Polk, were sent across 
Stone s River, the right wing, a division under John C. Breck- 
inridge, remaining on the eastern side of the stream to guard 
the town. The line was three miles in length, and on Decem 
ber 30th the Federal host that had come from Nashville stood 
opposite, in a parallel line. It was also in three sections. The 
left wing, opposite Breckinridge, was commanded by Thomas 
L. Crittenden, whose brother was a commander in the Confed 
eracy. They were sons of the famous United States senator 
from Kentucky, John J. Crittenden. The Federal center, 
opposite Polk, was commanded by George H. Thomas, and the 
right wing, opposing the Confederate left, was led by Alexan 
der McD. McCook, one of the well-known " Fighting Mc- 
Cook " brothers. The effective Federal force was about forty- 
three thousand men; the Confederate army numbered about 
thirty-eight thousand. That night they bivouacked within 
musket range of each other and the camp-fires of each were 
clearly seen by the other as they shone through the cedar 
groves that interposed. Thus lay the two great armies, ready 
to spring upon each other in deadly combat with the coming 
of the morning. 

Rosecrans had permitted McCook to thin out his lines 
over too much space, while on that very part of the field Bragg 
had concentrated his forces for the heaviest attack. The plans 
of battle made by the two opposing commanders were strik 
ingly similar. Rosecrans plan was to throw his left wing, 
under Crittenden, across the river upon the Confederate right 
under Breckinridge, to crush it in one impetuous dash, and to 
swing around through Murfreesboro to the Franklin road and 




c _ -a -M 

F- H *! SP 

"8 | 

S 8 1 


.? S - 

.> 1 S. 8 

| i gp I 

a -a :s s 

. -g & 3 

g 2 " w 


^a B "S 4> 

n -3 *3 

c s .a ~s 

vr c3 

^ -a 

Cfj "^ .pj 

c -o 


dmtthat at Stones Utwr 


cut off the Confederate line of retreat. Bragg, on the other 
hand, intended to make a similar dasht upon the Union right, 
pivot upon his center, press back McCook upon that center, 
crumpling the Federals and seizing the Nashville turnpike to 
cut off Rosecrans retreat toward Nashville. Neither, of 
course, knew of the other s plan, and much would depend on 
who would strike first. 

At the early light of the last day of the year the Confed 
erate left wing moved upon the Union right in a magnificent 
battle-line, three-quarters of a mile in length and two columns 
deep. At the same time the Confederate artillery opened with 
their cannon. McCook was astonished at so fierce and sudden 
a charge. The gallant Patrick Cleburne, one of the ablest 
commanders in the Southern armies, led his division, which had 
been brought from the Confederate right, in the charge. The 
Federal lines were ill prepared for this sudden onslaught, and 
before McCook could arrange them several batteries were over 
powered and eleven of the heavy guns were in the hands of 
the Confederates. 

Slowly the Union troops fell back, firing as they went; 
but they had no power to check the impetuous, overwhelming 
charge of the onrushing foe. McCook s two right divisions, 
under Johnson and Jeff. C. Davis, were driven back, but his 
third division, which was commanded by a young officer who 
had attracted unusual attention at the battle of Perry ville 
Philip H. Sheridan held its ground. At the first Confed 
erate advance, Sill s brigade of Sheridan s division drove the 
troops in front of it back into their entrenchments, and in the 
charge the brave Sill lost his life. 

While the battle raged with tremendous fury on the 
Union right, Rosecrans was three miles away, throwing his 
left across the river. Hearing the terrific roar of battle at the 
other end of the line, Rosecrans hastened to begin his attack 
on Breckinridge hoping to draw a portion of the Confederate 
force away from McCook. But as the hours of the forenoon 

So 3 


2 "= 



c O 


4) C 

a S 

a g 



























































_ = 










2 T3 

4-> OJ 

X ^ 

OJ o 

M * 

03 2 
O 4) 

W) ^ 

. . 

i I ^ 

(Enmhat at 



passed he was dismayed as he noted that the sound of battle 
was coming nearer, and he rightly divined that his right wing 
was receding before the dashing soldiers of the South. He 
ordered McCook to dispute every inch of the ground ; but Mc- 
Cook s command was soon torn to pieces and disorganized, 
except the division of Sheridan. 

The latter stood firm against the overwhelming numbers, 
a stand that attracted the attention of the country and brought 
him military fame. He checked the onrushing Confederates 
at the point of the bayonet; he formed a new line under fire. 
In his first position Sheridan held his ground for two hours. 
The Confederate attack had also fallen heavily on Negley, who 
was stationed on Sheridan s left, and on Palmer, both of 
Thomas center. Rousseau commanding the reserves, and 
Van Cleve of Crittenden s forces were ordered to the support 
of the Union center and right. Here, for two hours longer 
the battle raged with unabated fury, and the slaughter of brave 
men on both sides was appalling. Three times the whole Con 
federate left and center were thrown against the Union divis 
ions, but failed to break the lines. At length when their car 
tridge boxes were empty Sheridan s men could do nothing but 
retire for more ammunition, and they did this in good order 
to a rolling plain near the Nashville road. But Rousseau of 
Thomas center was there to check the Confederate advance. 

It was now past noon, and still the battle roar resounded 
unceasingly through the woods and hills about Murfreesboro. 
Though both hosts had struggled and suffered since early 
morning, they still held to their guns, pouring withering vol 
leys into each other s ranks. The Federal right and center 
had been forced back at right angles to the position they had 
held when day dawned; and the Confederate left was swung 
around at right angles to its position of the morning. The 
Federal left rested on Stone s River, while Bragg s right 
was on the same stream and close to the line in blue. Mean 
time, Rosecrans had massed his artillery on a little hill over- 

/ / . 


> g 

X3 H 

<u - 

*J OJ 

I B 


O 05 2 

s o 

8 ^ 


| II 

S -^ O 


.2 13 

=? -s 

^ o 

~ i 
s - 

.2 -E 

3 -Q 




Q; ^ 
fa M 


t .S 


a T = -2 

S 6 S W 

15 ^ I 

S -S e 

*- o .g co 

o v 


g a T3 o 
P fe c 
^s d j 

e b 

2 T3 

-o a 

qB pj 

a ? 



c S 

I | 

a ts 

s I 

^ 4J 

tn ^3 





looking the field of action. He had also re-formed the broken 
lines of the right and center and called in twelve thousand fresh 
troops. Then, after a brief lull, the battle opened again and 
the ranks of both sides were torn with grape and canister and 
bursting shells. 

In answer to Bragg s call for reenforcements came Breck- 
inridge with all but one brigade of his division, a host of about 
seven thousand fresh troops. The new Confederate attack 
began slowly, but increased its speed at every step. Suddenly, 
a thundering volley burst from the line in blue, and the front 
ranks of the attacking column disappeared. Again, a volley 
tore through the ranks in gray, and the assault was abandoned. 

The battle had raged for nearly eleven hours, when night 
enveloped the scene, and the firing abated slowly and died 
away. It had been a bloody day this first day s fight at 
Stone s River and except at Antietam it had not thus far 
been surpassed in the war. The advantage was clearly with 
the Confederates. They had pressed back the Federals for two 
miles, had routed their right wing and captured many pris 
oners and twenty-eight heavy guns. But Rosecrans deter 
mined to hold his ground and try again. 

The next day was New Year s and but for a stray fusil 
lade, here and there, both armies remained inactive, except that 
each quietly prepared to renew the contest on the morrow. 
The renewal of the battle on January 2nd was fully expected 
on both sides, but there was little fighting till four in the after 
noon. Rosecrans had sent General Van Cleve s division on 
January 1st across the river to seize an elevation from which he 
could shell the town of Murfreesboro. Bragg now sent Breck- 
inridge to dislodge the division, and he did so with splendid 
effect. But Breckinridge s men came into such a position as 
to be exposed to the raking fire of fifty-two pieces of Federal 
artillery on the west side of the river. Returning the deadly 
and constant fire as best they could, they stood the storm of 
shot and shell for half an hour when they retreated to a place 



In the picture the contraband laborers often pressed into service by Federals are repairing the "stringer" 
track near Murfreesboro after the battle of Stone s River. The long lines of single-track road, often involv 
ing a change from broad-gauge to narrow-gauge, were entirely inadequate for the movement of troops 
in that great area. In these isolated regions the railroads often became the supreme objective of both 
sides. \Vhen disinclined to offer battle, each struck in wild raids against the other s line of communica 
tion. Sections of track were tipped over embankments; rails were torn up, heated red-hot in bonfires, and 
twisted so that they could never be used again. The wrecking of a railroad might postpone a maneuver 
for months, or might terminate a campaign suddenly in defeat. Each side in retreat burned its bridges 
and destroyed the railroad behind it. Again advancing, each had to pause for the weary work of repair. 

Olombat at 

of safety, leaving seventeen hundred of their number dead or 
wounded on the field. That night the two armies again lay 
within musket shot of each other. The next day brought no 
further conflict and during that night General Bragg moved 
away to winter quarters at Shelbyville, on the Elk River. 

Murfreesboro, or Stone s River, was one of the great bat 
tles of the war. The losses were about thirteen thousand to 
the Federals and over ten thousand to the Confederates. Both 
sides claimed victory the South because of Bragg s signal 
success on the first day; the North because of Breckinridge s 
fearful repulse at the final onset and of Bragg s retreating in 
the night and refusing to fight again. A portion of the Con 
federate army occupied Shelbyville, Tennessee, and the larger 
part entrenched at Tullahoma, eighteen miles to the southeast. 

Six months after the battle of Stone s River, the Federal 
army suddenly awoke from its somnolent condition a winter 
and spring spent in raids and unimportant skirmishes and 
became very busy preparing for a long and hasty march. Rose- 
crans plan of campaign was brilliant and proved most effective. 
He realized that Tullahoma was the barrier to Chattanooga, 
and determined to drive the Confederates from it. 

On June 23, 1863, the advance began. The cavalry, under 
General Stanley, had received orders to advance upon Shelby 
ville on the 24th, and during that night to build immense and 
numerous camp-fires before the Confederate stronghold at 
Shelbyville, to create the impression that Rosecrans entire 
army was massing at that point. But the wily leader of the 
Federals had other plans, and when Stanley, supported by 
General Granger, had built his fires, the larger force was 
closing in upon Tullahoma. 

The stratagem dawned upon Bragg too late to check 
Rosecrans plans. Stanley and Granger made a brilliant cap 
ture of Shelbyville, and Bragg retired to Tullahoma ; but find 
ing here that every disposition had been made to fall upon his 
rear, he continued his southward retreat toward Chattanooga. 

[Part VI] 





The Army of the Potomac had fought gallantly; it had not lost a 
single cannon, all its attacks being made by masses of infantry; it had 
experienced neither disorder nor rout. But the defeat was complete, and 
its effects were felt throughout the entire country as keenly as in the ranks 
of the army. The little confidence that Burnside had been able to inspire 
in his soldiers had vanished, and the respect which everybody entertained 
for the noble character of the unfortunate general could not supply its 
place. Comte de Paris, in "History of the Civil War in America" 

THE silent city of military graves at Fredericksburg is 
a memorial of one of the bloodiest battles of the Civil 
War. The battle of Antietam had been regarded a victory by 
the Federals and a source of hope to the North, after a weari 
some period of inaction and defeats. General George B. Mc- 
Clellan, in command of the Army of the Potomac, failed to 
follow up this advantage and strike fast and hard while the 
Southern army was shattered and weak. President Lincoln s 
impatience was brought to a climax; McClellan was relieved 
and succeeded by General Ambrose E. Burnside, who was 
looked upon with favor by the President, and who had twice 
declined this proffered honor. It was on November 5, 1862, 
nearly two months after Antietam, when this order was issued. 
The Army of the Potomac was in splendid form and had 
made plans for a vigorous campaign. On the 9th Burnside 
assumed command, and on the following day McClellan took 
leave of his beloved troops. 

Burnside at once changed the whole plan of campaign, 
and decided to move on Fredericksburg, which lay between the 
Union and Confederate armies. He organized his army into 


: , 

rriterirksburg StaaBter for a Nrtu Sleator 

three grand divisions, under Generals Sumner, Hooker, and 
Franklin, commanding the right, center, and left, and moved 
his troops from Warrenton to Falmouth. A delay of some 
two weeks w r as due to the failure of arrival of the pontoons. In 
a council of war held on the night of December 10th the 
officers under Burnside expressed themselves almost unani 
mously as opposed to the plan of battle, but Burnside disre 
garded their views and determined to carry out his original 
plans immediately. After some delay and desultory fighting 
for two days, the crossing of the army was effected by the 
morning of December 13th. By this time General Robert E. 
Lee, commanding the Confederates, had his army concen 
trated and entrenched on the hills surrounding the town. In 
their efforts to place their bridges the Federals were seriously 
hindered by the firing of the Confederate sharpshooters 
" hornets that were stinging the Army of the Potomac into a 
frenzy." The Confederate fire continued until silenced by a 
heavy bombardment of the city from the Federal guns, when 
the crossing of the army into Fredericksburg was completed 
without further interference. 

The forces of Lee were in battle array about the town. 
Their line stretched for five miles along the range of hills which 
spread in crescent shape around the lowland where the city 
lay, surrounding it on all sides save the east, where the river 
flowed. The strongest Confederate position was on the slopes 
of the lowest hill of the range, Marye s Heights, which rose 
in the rear of the town. Along the foot of this hill there was 
a stone wall, about four feet in height, bounding the eastern 
side of the Telegraph road, which at this point runs north 
and south, being depressed a few feet below the surface of 
the stone wall, thus forming a breastwork for the Confed 
erate troops. Behind it a strong force was concealed, while 
higher up, in several ranks, the main army was massed, stretch 
ing along the line of hills. The right wing, consisting of 
thirty thousand troops on an elevation near Hamilton s Cross- 


Major-General Ambrose Everett Burnside was a West Point graduate, inventor of a 
breech-loading rifle, commander of a brigade in the first battle of Bull Run, captor of 
Roanoke Island and Newberne (North Carolina), and commander of the Federal left at 
Antietam. He was appointed to the command of the Army of the Potomac and succeeded 
General George B. McClellan on November 8, 1862. He was a brave soldier, but was an 
impatient leader and inclined to be somewhat reckless. He pressed rapidly his advance 
against Lee and massed his entire army along Stafford Heights, on the east bank of the 
Rappahannock, opposite Fredericksburg. According to General W. B. Franklin (who 
commanded the left grand division of the army), the notion that a serious battle was 
necessary to Federal control of the town "was not entertained by any one." General 
Sumner (who led the advance of Burnside s army) held this opinion but he had not 
received orders to cross the river. Crossing was delayed nearly a month and this 
delay resulted in the Federal disaster on December 13th. This put an abrupt end to 
active operations by Burnside against Lee. This picture was taken at Warrenton, 
November 24th, on the eve of the departure of the army for its march to Fredericksburg. 

rrfterirkahurg ifeaater for a 

ing of the Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad, was com 
manded by " Stonewall " Jackson. The left, on Marye s 
Heights and Marye s Hill, was commanded by the redoubtable 
Longstreet. The Southern forces numbered about seventy- 
eight thousand. 

Into the little city below and the adjoining valleys, the 
Federal troops had been marching for two days. Franklin s 
Left Grand Division of forty thousand was strengthened by 
two divisions from Hooker s Center Grand Division, and was 
ordered to make the first attack on the Confederate right under 
Jackson. Sumner s Right Grand Division, also reenforced 
from Hooker s forces, was formed for assault against the Con 
federate s strongest point at Marye s Hill. 

All this magnificent and portentous battle formation had 
been effected under cover of a dense fog, and when it lifted on 
that fateful Saturday there was revealed a scene of truly mili 
tary grandeur. Concealed by the somber curtain of nature 
the Southern hosts had fixed their batteries and entrenched 
themselves most advantageously upon the hills, and the Union 
legions, massed in menacing strength below, now lay within 
easy cannon-shot of their foe. The Union army totaled one 
hundred and thirteen thousand men. After skirmishing and 
gathering of strength, it was at length ready for the final 
spring and the death-grapple. 

When the sun s rays broke through the fog during the 
forenoon of December 13th, Franklin s Grand Division was 
revealed in full strength in front of the Confederate right, 
marching and countermarching in preparation for the com 
ing conflict. Officers in new, bright uniforms, thousands of 
bayonets gleaming in the sunshine, champing steeds, rattling 
gun-carriages whisking artillery into proper range of the foe, 
infantry, cavalry, batteries, with officers and men, formed a 
scene of magnificent grandeur which excited the admiration 
even of the Confederates. This maneuver has been called the 
grandest military scene of the war. 


j-==7 -^}ll)) 



Fredericksburg, February, 1863. In the foreground, looking from 
what is approximately the same position as the opening picture, 
are three guns of Tyler s Connecticut battery. It was from all 
along this ridge that the town had suffered its bombardment 
in December of the previous 
year. Again the armies were 
separated by the Rappahan- 
nock River. There was a new 
commander at the head of the 
Army of the Potomac Gen 
eral Hooker. The plundered 
and deserted town now held 
by the Confederates was to be 
made the objective of another 
attack. The heights beyond . 
were once more to be assaulted; 
bridges were to be rebuilt. 
But all to no purpose. This 
ground of much contention was 
deserted some time before Lee 
advanced to his invasion of 
Pennsylvania. Very slowly the 
inhabitants of Fredericksburg 

had returned to their ruined homes. The town was a vast 
Federal cemetery, the dead being buried in gardens and 
backyards, for during its occupancy almost every dwelling had 
been turned into a temporary hospital. After the close of the 

war these bodies were gathered 
and a National Cemetery was 
established on Willis Hill, 
on Marye s Heights, the point 
successfully defended by Lee s 

Heavy pontoon-boats, each on 
its separate wagon, were some 
times as necessary as food or 
ammunition. At every impor 
tant crossing of the many rivers 
that had to be passed in 
the Peninsula Campaign the 
bridges had been destroyed. 
There were few places where 
these streams were fordable. 
Pontoons, therefore, made a 
most important adjunct to the 
Army of the Potomac. 


itsaster fnr a 


Yet with all this brave show, we have seen that Burnside s 
subordinate officers were unanimous in their belief in the 
rashness of the undertaking. Enthusiasm was sadly lacking. 
The English military writer, Colonel Henderson, has explained 
why this was so: 

And yet that vast array, so formidable of aspect, lacked that 
moral force without which physical power, even in its most terrible 
form, is but an idle show. Not only were the strength of the Confed 
erate position, the want of energy of preliminary movements, the inse 
curity of their own situation, but too apparent to the intelligence of 
the regimental officers and men, but they mistrusted their commander. 
Northern writers have recorded that the Army of the Potomac never 
went down to battle with less alacrity than on this day at Fredericks- 

The first advance began at 8:30 in the morning, while 
the fog was still dense, upon Jackson s right. Reynolds 
ordered Meade with a division, supported by two other divi 
sions under Doubleday and Gibbon, to attack Jackson at his 
weakest point, the extreme right of the Confederate lines, 
and endeavor to seize one of the opposing heights. The ad 
vance was made in three lines of battle, which were guarded in 
front and on each flank by artillery which swept the field in 
front as the army advanced. The Confederates were placed 
to have an enfilading sweep from both flanks along the entire 
front line of march. When Reynolds divisions had ap 
proached within range, Jackson s small arms on the left poured 
in a deadly fire, mowing down the brave men in the Union 
lines in swaths, leaving broad gaps where men had stood. 

This fire was repeated again and again, as the Federals 
pressed on, only to be repulsed. Once only was the Confeder 
ate line broken, when Meade carried the crest, capturing flags 
and prisoners. The ground lost by the Confederates was soon 
recovered, and the Federals were forced to retire. Some of the 
charges made by the Federals during this engagement were 
heroic in the extreme, only equaled by the opposition met 


This photograph from the Fredericksburg river-bank recalls a terrible scene. On those memorable days of December 11 and 12, 1862, 
from these very trenches shown in the foreground, the ragged gray riflemen saw on that hillside across the river the blue of the uni 
forms of the massed Federal troops. The lines of tents made great white spaces, but the ground could hardly be seen for the host 
of men who were waiting, alas! to die by thousands on this coveted shore. From these hills, too, burst an incessant flaming and roar 
ing cannon fire. Siege-guns and field artillery poured shot and shell into the town of Fredericksburg. Every house became a target, 
though deserted except for a few hardy and venturesome riflemen. There was scarcely a dwelling that escaped. Ruined and battered 
and bloody, Fredericksburg three times was a Federal hospital, and its backyards became little cemeteries. 



iteasfrr far a 



from the foe. In one advance, knapsacks were unslung and 
bayonets fixed; a brigade marched across a plowed field, and 
passed through broken lines of other brigades, which were 
retiring to the rear in confusion from the leaden storm. 

The fire became incessant and destructive; many fell, 
killed or wounded; the front line slackened its pace, and with 
out orders commenced firing. A halt seemed imminent, and a 
halt in the face of the terrific fire to which the men were exposed 
meant death ; but, urged on by regimental commanders in per 
son, the charge was renewed, when with a shout they leaped 
the ditches, charged across the railroad, and upon the foe, kill 
ing many with the bayonet and capturing several hundred pris 
oners. But this was only a temporary gain. In every instance 
the Federals were shattered and driven back. Men were lying 
dead in heaps, the wounded and dying were groaning in 
agony. Soldiers were fleeing; officers were galloping to and 
fro urging their lines forward, and begging their superior 
officers for assistance and reenforcement. 

A dispatch to Burnside from Franklin, dated 2:. 45, was 
as follows: " My left has been very badly handled; what hope 
is there of getting reenforcements across the river? " An 
other dispatch, dated 3:45, read: " Our troops have gained no 
ground in the last half hour." 

In their retreat the fire was almost as destructive as dur 
ing the assault. Most of the wounded were brought from the 
field after this engagement, but the dead were left where they 
fell. It was during this engagement that General George D. 
Bayard was mortally wounded by a shot which had severed 
the sword belt of Captain Gibson, leaving him uninjured. The 
knapsack of a soldier who was in a stooping posture was struck 
by a ball, and a deck of cards was sent flying twenty feet in 
the air. Those witnessing the ludicrous scene called to him, 
"Oh, deal me a hand!" thus indicating the spirit of levity 
among soldiers even amid such surroundings. Another sol 
dier sitting on the ground suddenly leaped high above the 



At Franklin Crossing, on the Rappahannock, occurred an incident that proves how little things may change 
the whole trend of the best-laid plans. The left Union wing under the command of General Franklin, 
composed of the First Army Corps under General Reynolds, and the Sixth under General W. F. Smith, 
was crossing to engage in the battle of Fredericksburg. For two days they poured across these yielding 
planks between the swaying boats to the farther shore. Now, in the crossing of bridges, moving bodies of 
men must break step or even well-built structures might be threatened. The colonel of one of the regi 
ments in General Devens division that led the van ordered his field music to strike up just as the head 
of the column swept on to the flimsy planking; before the regiment was half-way across, unconsciously the 
men had fallen into step and the whole fabric was swaying to the cadenced feet. Vibrating like a great fiddle- 
string, the bridge would have sunk and parted, but a keen eye had seen the danger. "Stop that music!" 
was the order, and a staff officer spurred his horse through the men, shouting at top voice. The lone charge 
was made through the marching column: some jumped into the pontoons to avoid the hoofs; a few went 
overboard; but the head of the column was reached at last, and the music stopped. A greater blunder 
than this, however, took place on the plains beyond. Owing to a misunderstanding of orders, 37,000 
troops were never brought into action; 17,000 men on their front bore the brunt of a long day s fighting. 

rriterirkslmrg itaaater for a New Skator 

heads of his comrades as a shell struck the spot, scooping a 
wheelbarrowful of earth, but the man was untouched. 

Entirely independent of the action in which the Left 
Grand Division under Franklin was engaged against the right 
wing of the Confederate line, Sumner s Right Grand Division 
was engaged in a terrific assault upon the works on Marye s 
Heights, the stronghold of the Confederate forces. Their 
position was almost impregnable, consisting of earthworks, 
wood, and stone barricades running along the sunken road near 

the foot of Marve s Hill. The Federals were not aware of the 

* t 

sunken road, nor of the force of twenty-five hundred under 
General Cobb concealed behind the stone wall, this wall not 
being new work as a part of the entrenchments, but of earlier 
construction. When the advance up the road was made they 
were harassed by shot and shell and rifle-balls at every step, 
but the men came dashing into line undismayed by the terrific 
fire which poured down upon them. 

The Irish Brigade, the second of Hancock s division, 
under General Meagher, made a wonderful charge. When 
they returned from the assault but two hundred and fifty out 
of twelve hundred men reported under arms from the field, 
and all these were needed to care for their wounded comrades. 
The One Hundred and Sixteenth Pennsylvania regiment was 
new on the field of battle, but did fearless and heroic service. 
The approach was completely commanded by the Confederate 
guns. Repeatedly the advance was repulsed by well-directed 
fire from the batteries. 

Once again Sumner s gallant men charged across a rail 
road cut, running down one side and up the other, and still 
again attempted to escape in the same manner, but each time 
they were forced to retire precipitately by a murderous fire 
from the Confederate batteries. Not only was the Confed 
erate fire disastrous upon the approach and the successive 
repulses by the foe, but it also inflicted great damage upon 
the masses of the Federal army in front of Marye s Hill. 



"The Irish Brigade" (consisting of the Twenty-eighth Massachusetts, Sixty-third, Sixty-ninth 
and Eighty-eighth New York and the One Hundred and Sixteenth Pennsylvania) was com 
manded by General Thomas F. Meagher and advanced in Hancock s Division to the first assault 
at Marye s Heights, on December 13, 1862. In this charge the Irish soldiers moved steadily up 
the ridge until within a few yards of a sunken road, from which unexpected fire mowed them 
down. Of the 1,315 men which Meagher led into battle, 545 fell in that charge. The officer stand 
ing is Colonel Patrick Kelly, of the Eighty-eighth New York, who was one of the valiant heroes of 
this charge, and succeeded to the command of the Irish Brigade after General Meagher. He 
was killed at Petersburg. The officer seated is Captain Clooney, of the same regiment, who 
was killed at Antietam. Sitting next to him is Father Dillon, Chaplain of the Sixty-third 
New York, and to the right Father Corby, Chaplain of the Eighty-eighth New York; the 
latter gave absolution to Caldwell s Division, of Hancock s Corps, under a very heavy fire at 
Gettysburg. By the side of Colonel Kelly stands a visiting priest. The identification of this 
group has been furnished by Captain W. L. D. O Grady, of the Eighty-eighth New York. 

rriterirkahurg iteaBfrr far a Nm Ifoator 


The Confederates effective and successful work on Marye s 
Hill in this hattle was not alone due to the natural strength 
of their position, but also to the skill and generalship of the 
leaders, and to the gallantry, courage, and well-directed aim 
of their cannoneers and infantry. 

Six times the heroic Union troops dashed against the in 
vulnerable position, each time to be repulsed with terrific loss. 
General Couch, who had command of the Second Corps, view 
ing the scene of battle from the steeple of the court-house with 
General Howard, says : " The whole plain was covered with 
men, prostrate and dropping, the live men running here and 
there, and in front closing upon each other, and the wounded 
coming back. I had never before seen fighting like that, 
nothing approaching it in terrible uproar and destruction." 

General Howard reports that Couch exclaimed: " Oh, 
great God! see how our men, our poor fellows, are falling! " 
At half -past one Couch signaled Burnside: " I am losing. 
Send two rifle batteries." 

The point and method of attack made by Sumner was 
anticipated by the Confederates, careful preparation having 
been made to meet it. The fire from the Confederate batteries 
harassed the Union lines, and as they advanced steadily, heroic 
ally, without hurrah or battle-cry, the ranks were cut to pieces 
by canister and shell and musket-balls. Heavy artillery fire 
was poured into the Union ranks from front, right, and left 
with frightful results. Quickly filling up the decimated ranks 
they approached the stone wall masking the death-trap where 
General Cobb lay with a strong force awaiting the approach. 
Torrents of lead poured into the bodies of the defenseless men, 
slaying, crushing, destroying the proud army of a few hours 
before. As though in pity, a cloud of smoke momentarily shut 
out the wretched scene but brought no balm to the helpless 
victims of this awful carnage. The ground was so thickly 
strewn with dead bodies as seriously to impede the movements 
of a renewed attack. These repeated assaults in such good 




Marye s House marked the center of the Confederate position on the Heights, before which the Federals 
fell three deep in one of the bravest and bloodiest assaults of the war. The eastern boundary of the Marye 
estate was a retaining wall, along which ran a sunken road; on the other side of this was a stone wall, shoulder 
high, forming a perfect infantry parapet. Here two brigades of Confederates were posted and on the crest 
above them were the supporting batteries, while the slope between was honeycombed with the rifle-pits 
of the sharpshooters, one of which is seen in the picture. Six times did the Federals, raked by the deadly 
fire of the Washington Artillery, advance to within a hundred yards of the sunken road, only to be driven 
back by the rapid volleys of the Confederate infantry concealed there. Less than three of every five men 
in Hancock s division came back from their charge on these death-dealing heights. The complete re 
pulse of the day and the terrific slaughter were the barren results of an heroic effort to obey orders. 


for a 

order caused some apprehension on the part of General Lee, 
who said to Longstreet after the third attack, " General, they 
are massing very heavily and will break your line, I am afraid." 
But the great general s fears proved groundless. 

General Cobb was borne from the field mortally wounded, 
and Kershaw took his place in the desperate struggle. The 
storm of shot and shell which met the assaults was terrific. 
Men fell almost in battalions; the dead and wounded lay in 
heaps. Late in the day the dead bodies, which had become 
frozen from the extreme cold, were stood up in front of the 
soldiers as a protection against the awful fire to shield the liv 
ing, and at night were set up as dummy sentinels. 

The steadiness of the Union troops, and the silent, deter 
mined heroism of the rank and file in these repeated, but hope 
less, assaults upon the Confederate works, were marvelous, and 
amazed even their officers. The real greatness in a battle is the 
fearless courage, the brave and heroic conduct, of the men 
under withering fire. It was the enlisted men who were the 
glory of the army. It was they, the rank and file, who stood 
in the front, closed the gaps, and were mowed down in 
swaths like grass by cannon and musket-balls. 

After the sixth disastrous attempt to carry the works of 
the Confederate left it was night; the Federal army was re 
pulsed and had retired; hope was abandoned, and it was seen 
that the day was lost to the Union side. Then the shat 
tered Army of the Potomac sought to gather the stragglers 
and care for the wounded. Fredericksburg, the beautiful Vir 
ginia town, was a pitiable scene in contrast to its appearance 
a few days before. Ancestral homes were turned into bar 
racks and hospitals. The charming drives and stately groves, 
the wonted pleasure grounds of Colonial dames and Southern 
cavaliers, were not filled with grand carriages and gay par 
ties, but with war horses, soldiers, and military accouterments. 
Aside from desultory firing by squads and skirmishers at 
intervals there was no renewal of the conflict. 


From this, the Lacy House, which Sumner had made his headquarters, he directed the advance of his right 
grand division of the Army of the Potomac on December 11, 1862. Little did he dream that his men of 
the Second Corps were to bear the brunt of the fighting and the most crushing blow of the defeat on the 
13th. Soon after three o clock on the morning of the llth the columns moved out with alacrity to the 
river bank and before daybreak, hidden at first by the fog, the pontoniers began building the bridges. 
Confederate sharpshooters drove off the working party from the bridge below the Lacy House and also 
from the middle bridge farther down. As the mist cleared, volunteers ferried themselves over in the boats 
and drove off the riflemen. At last, at daybreak of the 12th, the town of Fredericksburg was occupied, 
but the whole of another foggy day was consumed in getting the army concentrated on the western shore. 
Nineteen batteries (one hundred and four guns) accompanied Sumner s troops, but all save seven of these 
were ordered back or left in the streets of Fredericksburg. Late on the morning of the 13th the confused 
and belated orders began to arrive from Burnside s headquarters across the river; one was for Sumner to 
assault the Confederate batteries on Marye s Heights. At nightfall Sumner s men retired into Fredericks 
burg, leaving 4,800 dead or wounded on the field. "Oh, those men, those men over there! I cannot get 
them out of my mind!" wailed Burnside in an agony of failure. Yet he was planning almost in the same 
breath to lead in person his old command, the Ninth Corps, in another futile charge in the morning. On 
the night of the 14th, better judgment prevailed and the order came to retire across the Rappahannock. 


for a 3>ttt 



The bloody carnage was over, the plan of Burnside had 
ended in failure, and thousands of patriotic and brave men, 
blindly obedient to their country s command, were the toll 
exacted from the Union army. Burnside, wild with anguish 
at what he had done, walking the floor of his tent, exclaimed, 
" Oh, those men those men over there," pointing to the 
battlefield, " I am thinking of them all the time." In his 
report of the battle to Washington, Burnside gave reasons for 
the issue, and in a manly way took the responsibility upon him 
self, and most highly commended his officers and men. He 
said, " For the failure in the attack I am responsible, as the 
extreme gallantry, courage, and endurance shown by them 
[officers and men] were never excelled." 

President Lincoln s verdict in regard to this battle is ad 
verse to the almost unanimous opinion of the historians. In his 
reply, December 22d, to General Burnside s report of the bat 
tle, he says, " Although you were not successful, the attempt 
was not an error, nor the failure other than an accident." 
Burnside, at his own request, was relieved of the command of 
the Army of the Potomac, however, on January 25, 1863, and 
was succeeded by General Hooker. The Union loss in killed, 
wounded, and missing was 12,653, and the Confederates lost 

After the battle the wounded lay on the field in their 
agony exposed to the freezing cold for forty-eight hours before 
arrangements were effected to care for them. Many were 
burned to death by the long, dead grass becoming ignited by 
cannon fire. The scene witnessed by the army of those scream 
ing, agonizing, dying comrades was dreadful and heartrend 
ing. Burnside s plan had been to renew the battle, but the 
overwhelming opinion of the other officers prevailed. The 
order was withdrawn and the defeated Union army slipped 
away under the cover of darkness on December 15th, and en 
camped in safety across the river. The battle of Fredericks- 
burg had passed into history. 





General Joseph Hooker and his Staff. These were the men whose work it was, during the winter after 
Fredericksburg, to restore the esprit de corps of the Army of the Potomac. The tireless energy and magnetic 
personality of Hooker soon won officers from their disaffection and put an end to desertions which had been 
going on at the rate of two hundred per day before he took command. By spring everything seemed pro 
pitious for an aggressive campaign, the plans for which were brilliantly drawn and at first vigorously carried 
out, giving truth to Lincoln s expressed belief that Hooker was "a trained and skilful soldier." In that re 
markable letter of admonition to Hooker upon assuming command, Lincoln added: "But beware of rashness, 
beware of rashness; with energy and with sleepless vigilance go forward and give us victories." By some 
strange fate it was not rashness but quite the contrary which compassed the failure of "Fighting Joe" Hooker 
at Chancellorsville. His first forward advance was executed with his usual bold initiative. Before Lee could 
fully divine his purpose, Hooker with thirty-six thousand men was across his left flank in a favorable posi 
tion, with the main body of his army at hand ready to give battle. Then came Hooker s inexplicable order 
to fall back upon Chancellorsville. That very night, consulting in the abandoned Federal position, Lee and 
Jackson formed the plan which drove Hooker back across the Rappahannock in ignominious defeat. 


AFTER the Fredericksburg campaign the Union forces 
encamped at Falmouth for the winter, while Lee re 
mained with the Southern army on the site of his successful 
contest at Fredericksburg. Thus the two armies lay facing 
each other within hailing distance, across the historic river, 
waiting for the coming of spring. Major- General Joseph 
Hooker, popularly known as " Fighting Joe " Hooker, who 
had succeeded Burnside in command of the Army of the 
Potomac, soon had the troops on a splendid campaign footing. 
His force was between 125,000 and 130,000 men; Lee s, about 

Hooker conceived a plan of campaign which was ingen 
ious and masterful, and had he carried it out there w r ould 
have been a different story to tell about Chancellorsville. The 
plan was to deploy a portion of the army to serve as a decoy 
to Lee, while the remainder of the host at the same time 
occupied the vicinity of Chancellorsville, a country mansion, 
in the center of the wilderness that stretched along the 

Lee was a great general and a master in strategy. He 
had learned of Hooker s plan and, paying but little attention 
to Sedgwick east of Fredericksburg, had turned to face 
Hooker. By a rapid night march he met the Union army 
before it had reached its destination. He was pushed back, 
however, by Sykes, of Meade s corps, who occupied the posi 
tion assigned to him. Meade was on the left, and S locum on 
the right, with adequate support in the rear. All was in readi 
ness and most favorable for the " certain destruction " of the 
Confederates predicted by " Fighting Joe " when, to the 
amazement and consternation of all his officers, Hooker 



General Joseph Hooker. A daring and experienced veteran of the Mexican War, Hooker had risen in the Civil War from brigade com 
mander to be the commander of a grand division of the Army of the Potomac, and had never been found wanting. His advancement 
to the head of the Army of the Potomac, on January 26, 1863, was a tragic episode in his own career and in that of the Federal arms. 
Gloom hung heavy over the North after Fredericksburg. Upon Hooker fell the difficult task of redeeming the unfulfilled political 
pledges for a speedy lifting of that gloom. It was his fortune only to deepen it. 


ordered the whole army to retire to the position it had occupied 
the day before, leaving the advantage to his opponents. 

Lee quickly moved his army into the position thus relin 
quished, and began feeling the Federal lines with skirmishers 
and some cannonading during the evening of May 1st. By 
the next morning the two armies were in line of battle. 

The danger in which the Confederate army now found 
itself was extreme. One large Federal army was on its front, 
while another was at its rear, below Fredericksburg. But 
Lee threw the hopes of success into one great and decisive 
blow at Hooker s host. Dividing an army in the face of 
the foe is extremely dangerous and contrary to all accepted 
theories of military strategy; but there comes a time when 
such a course proves the salvation of the legions in peril. 
Such was the case at Chancellorsville on May 2, 1863. 

At 7 A.M. the cannonading began its death-song and was 
soon followed by infantry demonstrations, but without serious 
results. The action was continued. Early in the afternoon, 
Hooker by a ruse was beguiled into the belief that Lee s 
army was in full retreat. What Hooker had seen and be 
lieved to be a retreat was the marching of Jackson s forces, 
about twenty-six thousand strong, from the battlefield. What 
he did not see, however, was that, after a few miles, Jackson 
turned abruptly and made for the right flank of the Federal 
host, the Eleventh Corps, under Howard. It was after half- 
past five when Jackson broke from the woods into which he 
had marched in a paralyzing charge upon the unprepared 
troops of Howard. 

The approach of this Confederate force was first inti 
mated to the Federals by the bending of shrubbery, the stam 
pede of rabbits and squirrels, and the flocks of birds in wild 
flight, as before a storm. Then appeared a few skirmishers, 
then a musket volley, and then the storm broke in all its fury 
the war scream, the rattling musketry, the incessant roar of 
cannon. The Confederates fought heroically. The knowledge 





The austere, determined features of the victor of Chancellorsville, just as they appeared two weeks before the tragic shot that cost the 
Confederacy its greatest Lieutenant-General and, in the opinion of sound historians, its chief hope for independence. Only once had a 
war photograph of Jackson been taken up to April, 1863, when, just before the movement toward Chancellorsville, he was persuaded to 
enter a photographer s tent at Hamilton s Crossing, some three miles below Fredericksburg, and to sit for his last portrait. At a glance 
one can feel the self-expression and power in this stern worshiper of the God of Battles; one can understand the eulogy written by the 
British military historian, Henderson: "The fame of Stonewall Jackson is no longer the exclusive property of Virginia and the South; 
it has become the birthright of every man privileged to call himself an American." 




that " Old Jack " was on the field was inspiration enough 
for them. The charge was so precipitous, so unexpected and 
terrific that it was impossible for the Federals to hold their 
lines and stand against the impact of that awful onslaught 
which carried everything before it. The regiments in Jack 
son s path, resisting his advance, were cut to pieces and swept 
along as by a tidal wave, rolled up like a scroll, multitudes of 
men, horses, males, and cattle being piled in an inextricable 
mass. Characteristic of Jackson s brilliant and unexpected 
movements, it was like an electric flash, knocking the Eleventh 
Corps into impotence, as Jackson expected it would. This 
crowning and final stroke of Jackson s military genius was 
not impromptu, but the result of his own carefully worked-out 
plan, which had been approved by Lee. 

General Hooker was spending the late afternoon hours 
in his headquarters at the Chancellor house. To the east 
ward there was considerable firing, where his men were car 
rying out the plan of striking Lee in flank. Jackson was 
retreating, of that he was sure, and Sickles, with Pleasanton s 
cavalry and other reenforcements, was in pursuit. Everything 
seemed to be going well. About half -past six the sounds of 
battle grew suddenly louder and seemed to come from another 
direction. A staff -officer went to the front of the house and 
turned his field-glass toward the west. 

" My God, here they come! " 

At the startled cry Hooker sprang upon his horse and 
dashed down the road. He encountered portions of the 
Eleventh Corps pouring out of the forest a badly mixed 
crowd of men, wagons, and ambulances. They brought the 
news that the right wing was overwhelmed. Hurriedly 
Hooker sought his old command, Berry s division of the 
Third Corps, stationed in support of the Eleventh. " For 
ward, with the bayonet ! " he commanded. 

An officer who witnessed the scene says the division ad 
vanced with a firm and steady step, cleaving the multitude 


In this tangled nook Lee s right-hand man was shot through a terrible mistake of his own soldiers. It was the 
second of May, 1863. After his brilliant flank march, the evening attack on the rear of Hooker s army had just 
been driven home. About half -past eight, Jackson had ridden beyond his lines to reconnoiter for the final advance. 
A single rifle-shot rang out in the darkness. The outposts of the two armies were engaged. Jackson turned 
toward his own line, where the Eighteenth North Carolina was stationed. The regiment, keenly on the alert and 
startled by the group of strange horsemen riding through the gloom, fired a volley that brought several men and 
horses to the earth. Jackson was struck once in the right hand and twice in the left arm, a little below the shoulder. 
His horse dashed among the trees; but with his bleeding right hand Jackson succeeded in seizing the reins and 
turning the frantic animal back into the road. Only with difficulty was the general taken to the rear so that his 
wounds might be dressed. To his attendants he said, "Tell them simply that you have a wounded Confederate 
officer. " To one who asked if he was seriously hurt, he replied: "Don t bother yourself about me. Win the battle 
first and attend to the wounded afterward. " He was taken to Guiney s Station. At first it was hoped that he 
would recover, but pneumonia set in and his strength gradually ebbed. On Sunday evening, May 10th, he uttered 
the words which inspired the young poet, Sidney Lanier, to write his elegy, beautiful in its serene resignation. 

of disbanded Federals as the bow of a vessel cleaves the 
waves of the sea. It struck the advance of the Confederates 
obliquely and checked it, with the aid of the Twelfth Corps 

A dramatic, though tragic, feature of the rout was the 
charge of the Eighth Pennsylvania cavalry, under Major 
Keenan, in the face of almost certain death, to save the artil 
lery of the Third Corps from capture. The guns rested upon 
low ground and within reach of the Confederates. The Fed 
erals had an equal opportunity to seize the artillery, but re 
quired a few minutes to prepare themselves for action. The 
Confederate advance must be checked for these few moments, 
and for this purpose Keenan gallantly led his five hun 
dred cavalrymen into the woods, while his comrades brought 
the guns to bear upon the columns in gray. He gained the 
necessary time, but lost his life at the head of his regiment, 
together with Captain Arrowsmith and Adjutant Haddock, 
who fell by his side. 

The light of day had faded from the gruesome scene. 
The mighty turmoil was silenced as darkness gathered, but 
the day s carnage was not ended. No camp-fires were lighted 
in the woods or on the plain. The two hostile forces were con 
cealed in the darkness, watching through the shadows, wait 
ing for they knew not what. Finally at midnight the order 
" Forward " was repeated in subdued tones along the lines of 
Sickles corps. Out over the open and into the deep, dark 
thicket the men in blue pursued their stealthy advance upon 
the Confederate position. Then the tragedies of the night 
were like that of the day, and the moon shed her peaceful rays 
down upon those shadowy figures as they struggled forward 
through the woods, in the ravines, over the hillocks. The Fed 
erals, at heavy loss, gained the position, and the engagement 
assumed the importance of a victory. 

It was on this day that death robbed the South of 
one of her most beloved warriors. After darkness had 



Behind the deadly stone wall of Marye s Heights after Sedgwick s men had swept across it in the gallant 
charge of May 3, 1863. This was one of the strongest natural positions stormed during the war. In front 
of this wall the previous year, nearly 6,000 of Burnside s men had fallen, and it was not carried. Again in 
the Chancellors ville campaign Sedgwick s Sixth Corps was ordered to assault it. It was defended the second 
time with the same death-dealing stubbornness but with less than a fourth of the former numbers 9,000 
Confederates against 20,000 Federals. At eleven o clock in the morning the line of battle, under Colonel 
Hiram Burnham, moved out over the awful field of the year before, supported to right and left by flanking 
columns. Up to within twenty-five yards of the wall they pressed, when again the flame of musketry fire 
belched forth, laying low in six minutes 36.5 per cent, of the Fifth Wisconsin and the Sixth Maine. The 
assailants wavered and rallied, and then with one impulse both columns and line of battle hurled themselves 
upon the wall in a fierce hand-to-hand combat. A soldier of the Seventh Massachusetts happened to peer 
through a crack in a board fence and saw that it covered the flank of the double line of Confederates in the 
road. Up and over the fence poured the Federals and drove the Confederates from the heights. 




overspread the land, Jackson, accompanied by members of his 
staff, undertook a reconnaissance of the Federal lines. He 
was planning a night attack. He came upon a line of Union 
infantry lying on its arms and was forced to turn back 
along the plank road, on both sides of which he had sta 
tioned his own men with orders to fire upon any body of men 
approaching from the direction of the Federal battle-lines. 
The little cavalcade of Confederate officers galloped along the 
highway, directly toward the ambuscade, and apparently for 
getful of the strict orders left with the skirmishers. A sud 
den flash of flame lighted the scene for an instant, and within 
that space of time the Confederacy was deprived of one of its 
greatest captains Jackson was severely wounded, and by 
his own men and through his own orders. When the news 
spread through Jackson s corps and through the Confederate 
army the grief of the Southern soldiers was heartbreaking to 
witness. The sorrow spread even into the ranks of the Fed 
eral army, which, while opposed to the wounded general on 
many hard-fought battle-grounds, had learned to respect and 
admire " Stonewall " Jackson. 

The loss of Jackson to the South was incalculable. Lee 
had pronounced him the right arm of the whole army. Next 
to Lee, Jackson was considered the ablest general in the Con 
federate army. His shrewdness of judgment, his skill in 
strategy, his lightning-like strokes, marked him as a unique 
and brilliant leader. Devoutly religious, gentle and noble in 
character, the nation that was not to be disunited lost a great 
citizen, as the Confederate army lost a great captain, when a 
.few days later General Jackson died. 

That night orders passed from the Federal headquarters 
to Sedgwick, below Fredericksburg, eleven miles away. Be 
tween him and Hooker stood the Confederate army, flushed 
with its victories of the day. Immediately in his front was 
Fredericksburg, with a strong guard of Southern warriors. 
Beyond loomed Marye s Heights, the battle-ground on which 





Part of the Havoc Wrought on Marye s Heights by the Assault of Sedgwick on May 3, 1863. No sooner had 
they seized the stone wall than the victorious Federals swarmed up and over the ridge above, driving the Con 
federates from the rifle-pits, capturing the guns of the famous Washington Artillery which had so long guarded 
the Heights, and inflicting slaughter upon the assaulting columns. If Sedgwick had had cavalry he could have 
crushed the divided forces of Early and cleared the way for a rapid advance to attack Lee s rear. In the 
picture we see Confederate caisson w r agons and horses destroyed by a lucky shot from the Second Massa 
chusetts siege-gun battery planted across the river at Falmouth to support Sedgwick s assault. Surveying 
the scene stands General Herman Haupt, Chief of the Bureau of Military Railways, the man leaning against 
the stump. By him is W. W. Wright, Superintendent of the Military Railroad. The photograph was taken 
on May 3d, after the battle. The Federals held Marye s Heights until driven off by fresh forces which Lee 
had detached from his main army at Chancellorsville and sent against Sedgwick on the afternoon of the 4th. 





Burnside had in the preceding winter left so many of his 
brave men in the vain endeavor to drive the Confederate de 
fenders from the crest. 

The courageous Sedgwick, notwithstanding the formi 
dable obstacles that lay on the road to Chancellorsville, re 
sponded immediately to Hooker s order. He was already on 
the south side of the river, but he was farther away than 
Hooker supposed. Shortly after midnight he began a march 
that was fraught with peril and death. Strong resistance was of 
fered the advancing blue columns as they came to the threshold 
of Fredericksburg, but they swept on and over the defenders, 
and at dawn were at the base of the heights. On the crest 
waved the standards of the Confederate Washington Artil 
lery. At the foot of the slope was the stone wall before which 
the Federals had fought and died but a few months before, 
in the battle of Fredericksburg. Reenforcements were arriv 
ing in the Confederate trenches constantly. The crest and 
slopes bristled with cannon and muskets. The pathways 
around the heights were barricaded. The route to the front 
seemed blocked; still, the cry for help from Hooker was 
resounding in the ears of Sedgwick 

Gathering his troops, he attacked directly upon the stone 
wall and on up the hillside, in the face of a terrific storm of 
artillery and musketry. The first assault failed ; a flank move 
ment met with no better success; and the morning was nearly 
gone when the Confederates finally gave way at the point of 
the bayonet before the irresistible onset of men in blue. The 
way to Chancellorsville was open; but the cost to the Fed 
erals was appalling. Hundreds of the soldiers in blue lay 
wrapped in death upon the bloody slopes of Marye s Heights. 

It was the middle of the afternoon, and not at daybreak, 
as Hooker had directed, when Sedgwick appeared in the rear 
of Lee s legions. A strong force of Confederates under 
Early prevented his further advance toward a juncture with 
Hooker s army at Chancellorsville. Since five o clock in the 



From this mansion, Hooker s headquarters during the battle of Chancellorsville, he rode 
away after the injury he received there on May 3d, never to return. The general, dazed 
after Jackson s swoop upon the right, was besides in deep anxiety as to Sedgwick. The 
latter s forty thousand men had not yet come up. Hooker was unwilling to suffer further 
loss without the certainty of his cooperation. So he decided to withdraw his army. 
The movement was the signal for increased artillery fire from the Confederate batteries, 
marking the doom of the old Chancellor house. Its end was accompanied by some heart 
rending scenes. Major Bigelow thus describes them: "Missiles pierced the walls or struck 
in the brickwork; shells exploded in the upper rooms, setting the building on fire; the 
chimneys were demolished and their fragments rained down upon the wounded about the 
building. All this time the women and children (including some slaves) of the Chancellor 
family, nineteen persons in all, were in the cellar. The wounded were removed from in 
and around the building, men of both armies nobly assisting one another in the work." 

an& Sarkaim H blanking iEarrlf 

morning the battle had been raging at the latter place, and 
Jackson s men, now commanded by Stuart, though being 
mowed down in great numbers, vigorously pressed the attack 
of the day while crying out to one another " Remember Jack 
son," as they thought of their wounded leader. 

While this engagement was at its height General Hooker, 
leaning against a pillar of the Chancellor house, was felled 
to the ground, and for a moment it was thought he was 
killed. The pillar had been shattered by a cannon-ball. 
Hooker soon revived under the doctor s care and with great 
force of will he mounted his horse and showed himself to 
his anxious troops. He then withdrew his army to a stronger 
position, well guarded with artillery. The Confederates did 
not attempt to assail it. The third day s struggle at Chan- 
cellorsville was finished by noon, except in Lee s rear, where 
Sedgwick fought all day, without success, to reach the main 
body of Hooker s army. The Federals suffered very serious 
losses during this day s contest. Even then it was believed 
that the advantage rested with the larger Army of the Poto 
mac and that the Federals had an opportunity to win. Thirty- 
seven thousand Union troops, the First, and three-quarters 
of the Fifth Corps, had been entirely out of the fight on that 
day. Five thousand men of the Eleventh Corps, who were 
eager to retrieve their misfortune, were also inactive. 

When night came, and the shades of darkness hid the 
sights of suffering on the battlefield, the Federal army was 
resting in a huge curve, the left wing on the Rappahannock 
and the right on the Rapidan. In this way the fords across 
the rivers which led to safety were in control of the Army of 
the Potomac. Lee moved his corps close to the bivouacs of the 
army in blue. But, behind the Confederate battle-line, there was 
a new factor in the struggle in the person of Sedgwick, with 
the remnants of his gallant corps, which had numbered nearly 
twenty-two thousand when they started for the front, but now 
were depleted by their terrific charge upon Marye s Heights 


In modern warfare the American Indian seems somehow to be entirely out of place. We think of him with the tomahawk and scalping- 
knife and have difficulty in conceiving him in the ranks, drilling, doing police duty, and so on. Yet more than three thousand Indians 
were enlisted in the Federal army. The Confederates enlisted many more in Missouri, Arkansas, and Texas. In the Federal army 
the red men were used as advance sharpshooters and rendered meritorious service. This photograph shows some of the wounded 
Indian sharpshooters on Marye s Heights after the second battle of Fredericksburg. A hospital orderly is attending to the wants 
of the one on the left-hand page, and the wounds of the others have been dressed. In the entry of John L. Marye s handsome mansion 
close by lay a group of four Indian sharpshooters, each with the loss of a limb of an arm at the shoulder, of a leg at the knee, or with 
an amputation at the thigh. They neither spoke nor moaned, but suffered and died, mute in their agony. During the campaign 
of 1864, from the Wilderness to Appomattox, Captain Ely S. Parker, a gigantic Indian, became one of Grant s favorite aids. Before 
the close of the war he had been promoted to the rank of colonel, and it was he who drafted in a beautiful handwriting the 
terms of Lee s surrender. He stood over six feet in height and was a conspicuous figure on Grant s staff. The Southwestern In 
dians engaged in some of the earliest battles under General Albert Pike, a Northerner by birth, but a Southern sympathizer. 

anb Jarksim B blanking Ularirij 


and the subsequent hard and desperate struggle with Early 
in the afternoon. 

Lee was between two fires Hooker in front and Sedg- 
w r ick in the rear, both of whose forces were too strong to 
be attacked simultaneously. Again the daring leader of the 
Confederate legions did the unexpected, and divided his army 
in the presence of the foe, though he was without the aid of his 
great lieutenant, " Stonewall " Jackson. 

During the night Lee made his preparations, and when 
dawn appeared in the eastern skies the movement began. 
Sedgwick, weak and battered by his contact with Early on 
the preceding afternoon, resisted bravely, but to no avail, and 
the Confederates closed in upon him on three sides, leaving the 
way to Banks s Ford on the Rappahannock open to escape. 
Slowly the Federals retreated and, as night descended, rested 
upon the river bank. After dark the return to the northern 
side was begun by Sedgwick s men, and the Chancellorsville 
campaign was practically ended. 

The long, deep trenches full of Federal and Confederate 
dead told the awful story of Chancellorsville. If we gaze into 
these trenches, which by human impulse we are led to do, after 
the roar and din of the carnage is still, the scene greeting the 
eye will never be forgotten. Side by side, the heroes in torn 
and bloody uniforms, their only shrouds, were gently laid. 

The Union loss in killed and wounded was a little over 
seventeen thousand, and it cost the South thirteen thousand 
men to gain this victory on the banks of the Rappahannock. 
The loss to both armies in officers was very heavy. 

The two armies were weary and more than decimated. 
It appeared that both were glad at the prospect of a cessation 
of hostilities. On the night of May 5th, in a severe storm, 
Hooker conveyed his corps safely across the river and settled 
the men again in their cantonments of the preceding winter 
at Falmouth. The Confederates returned to their old encamp 
ment at Fredericksburg. 




On the banks of this, the greatest river h\ the world, the most de 
cisive and far-reaching battle of the war was fought. Here at Yicksburg 
over one hundred thousand gallant soldiers and a powerful fleet of gun 
boats and ironclads in terrible earnestness for forty days and nights fought 
to decide whether the new Confederate States should be cut in twain ; 
whether the great river should flow free to the Gulf, or should have its 
commerce hindered. We all know the result the Union army under 
General Grant, and the Union navy under Admiral Porter were victorious. 
The Confederate army, under General Pemberton, numbering thirty thou 
sand men, was captured and General Grant s army set free for operating 
in other fields. It was a staggering blow from which the Confederacy 
never rallied. Lieutenant-General Stephen D. Lee, C.S.A., at the dedica 
tion of the Massachusetts Volunteers * statue at the Vicksburg National Mili 
tary Park, Vicksburg, Mississippi, November 1^ 1903. 

Mississippi River, in its lower course, winds like a 
JL mighty serpent from side to side along a vast alluvial 
bottom, which in places is more than forty miles in width. On 
the eastern bank, these great coils here and there sweep up to 
the bluffs of the highlands of Tennessee and Mississippi. On 
these cliffs are situated Memphis, Port Hudson, Grand Gulf, 
and Vicksburg. The most important of these from a military 
point of view was Vicksburg, often called the " Gibraltar of 
the West." Situated two hundred feet above the current, on 
a great bend of the river, its cannon could command the water 
way for miles in either direction, while the obstacles in the way 
of a land approach were almost equally insurmountable. 

The Union arms had captured Xew Orleans, in the spring 
of 1862, and Memphis in June of that year; but the Confeder 
ates still held Vicksburg and Port Hudson and the two hundred 
and fifty miles of river that lies between them. The military 

0f Utrkaburg anti Jtori 


object of the Federal armies in the West was to gain control 
of the entire course of the great Mississippi that it might " roll 
unvexed to the sea," to use Lincoln s terse expression, and 
that the rich States of the Southwest, from which the Confed 
eracy drew large supplies and thousands of men for her armies, 
might be cut off from the rest of the South. If Vicksburg 
were captured, Port Hudson must fall. The problem, there 
fore, was how to get control of Vicksburg. 

On the promotion of Halleck to the command of all the 
armies of the North, with headquarters at Washington, Grant 
was left in superior command in the West and the great task 
before him was the capture of the " Gibraltar of the West." 
Vicksburg might have been occupied by the Northern armies 
at any time during the first half of the year 1862, but in June 
of that year General Bragg sent Van Dorn with a force of 
fifteen thousand to occupy and fortify the heights. Van Dorn 
was a man of prodigious energy. In a short time he had hun 
dreds of men at work planting batteries, digging rifle-pits 
above the water front and in the rear of the town, mounting 
heavy guns and building bomb-proof magazines in tiers along 
the hillsides. All through the summer, the work progressed 
under the direction of Engineer S. H. Lockett, and by the 
coming of winter the city was a veritable Gibraltar. 

From the uncompleted batteries on the Vicksburg bluffs, 
the citizens and the garrison soldiers viewed the advance divi 
sion of Farragut s fleet, under Commander Lee, in the river, 
on May 18, 1862. Fifteen hundred infantry were on board, 
under command of General Thomas Williams, and with them 
\ was a battery of artillery. Williams reconnoitered the works, 
M and finding them too strong for his small force he returned to 
occupy Baton Rouge. The authorities at Washington now 
sent Farragut peremptory orders to clear the Mississippi and 
accordingly about the middle of June, a flotilla of steamers 
and seventeen mortar schooners, under Commander D. D. Por 
ter, departed from New Orleans and steamed up the river. 


The close-set mouth, squared shoulders and lower 
ing brow in this photograph of Grant, taken in 
December, 1862, tell the story of the intensity of 
his purpose while he was advancing upon Vicks- 
burg only to be foiled by Van Dorn s raid on his 
line of communications at Holly Springs. His 
grim expression and determined jaw betokened no 
respite for the Confederates, however. Six months 
later he marched into the coveted stronghold. 
This photograph was taken by James Mullen at 
Oxford, Mississippi, in December, 1862, just be 
fore Van Dorn s raid balked the general s plans. 


This photograph was taken in the fall of 1863, 
after the capture of the Confederacy s Gibraltar 
had raised Grant to secure and everlasting fame. 
His attitude is relaxed and his eyebrows no longer 
mark a straight line across the grim visage. The 
right brow is slightly arched with an almost jovial 
expression. But the jaw is no less vigorous and 
determined, and the steadfast eyes seem to be 
peering into that future which holds more vic 
tories. He still has Chattanooga and his great 
campaigns in the East to fight and the final mag 
nificent struggle in the trenches at Petersburg. 

Simultaneously Farragut headed a fleet of three war vessels 
and seven gunboats, carrying one hundred and six guns, toward 
Vicksburg from Baton Rouge. Many transports accompa 
nied the ships from Baton Rouge, on which there were three 
thousand of Williams troops. 

The last days of June witnessed the arrival of the com 
bined naval forces of Farragut and Porter below the Confed 
erate stronghold. Williams immediately disembarked his men 
on the Louisiana shore, opposite Vicksburg, and they were bur 
dened with implements required in digging trenches and build 
ing levees. 

The mighty Mississippi, at this point and in those days, 
swept in a majestic bend and formed a peninsula of the west 
ern, or Louisiana shore. Vicksburg was situated on the 
eastern, or Mississippi shore, below the top of the bend. Its 
batteries of cannon commanded the river approach for miles 
in either direction. Federal engineers quickly recognized the 
strategic position of the citadel on the bluff; and also as quickly 
saw a method by which the passage up and down the river 
could be made comparatively safe for their vessels, and at the 
same time place Vicksburg " high and dry " by cutting a chan 
nel for the Mississippi through the neck of land that now held 
it in its sinuous course. 

While Farragut stormed the Confederate batteries at 
Vicksburg, Williams began the tremendous task of diverting 
the mighty current across the peninsula. Farragut s bom 
bardment by his entire fleet failed to silence Vicksburg s can 
non-guards, although the defenders likewise failed to stop the 
progress of the fleet. The Federal naval commander then de 
termined to dash past the fortifications, trusting to the speed 
of his vessels and the stoutness of their armor to survive the 
tremendous cannonade that would fall upon his flotilla. Early 
in the morning of June 28th the thrilling race against death 
began, and after two hours of terrific bombardment aided by 
the mortar boats stationed on both banks, Farragut s fleet with 



The Courthouse at Oxford, Mississippi. The second attempt to capture Vicksburg originated with Grant. 
Since he had sprung into fame at Fort Donelson early in 1862, he had done little to strengthen his reputa 
tion; but to all urgings of his removal Lincoln replied: "I can t spare this man; he fights." He proposed 
to push southward through Mississippi to seize Jackson, the capital. If this could be accomplished, Vicks 
burg (fifty miles to the west) would become untenable. At Washington his plan was overruled to the 
extent of dividing his forces. Sherman, w r ith a separate expedition, was to move from Memphis down the 
Mississippi directly against Yicksburg. It was Grant s hope that by marching on he could unite with 
Sherman in an assault upon this key to the Mississippi. Pushing forward from Grand Junction, sixty 
miles, Grant reached Oxford December 5, 1862, but his supplies were still drawn from Columbus, Ken 
tucky, over a single-track road to Holly Springs, and thence by w r agon over roads which were rapidly be 
coming impassable. Delay ensued in which Van Dorn destroyed Federal stores at Holly Springs w T orth 
$1,500,000. This put an end to Grant s advance. In the picture we see an Illinois regiment guarding 
some of the 1200 Confederate prisoners taken during the advance and here confined in the Courthouse. 

Ij? <8>teg0 nf Utrkalwrg anft furl 



the exception of three vessels passed through the raging in 
ferno to the waters above Vicksburg, with a loss of fifteen 
killed and thirty wounded. On the 1st of July Flag-Officer 
Davis with his river gunboats arrived from Memphis and 
joined Farragut. 

Williams and his men, including one thousand negroes, 
labored like Titans to complete their canal, but a sudden rise 
of the river swept away the barriers with a terrific roar, and 
the days of herculean labor went for naught. Again Williams 
attempt to subdue the stronghold was abandoned, and he re 
turned with his men when Farragut did, on July 24th, to Baton 
Rouge to meet death there on August 5th when General Breck- 
inridge made a desperate but unsuccessful attempt to drive the 
Union forces from the Louisiana capital. 

Farragut urged upon General Halleck the importance of 
occupying the city on the bluff with a portion of his army ; but 
that general gave no heed ; and while even then it was too late 
to secure the prize without a contest, it would have been easy 
in comparison to that which it required a year later. 

In the mean time, the river steamers took an important 
part in the preliminary operations against the city. Davis re 
mained at Memphis with his fleet for about three weeks after 
the occupation of that city on the 6th of June, meanwhile send 
ing four gunboats and a transport up the White River, with 
the Forty-sixth Indiana regiment, under Colonel Fitch. The 
object of the expedition, undertaken at Halleck s command, 
was to destroy Confederate batteries and to open communi 
cation with General Curtis, who was approaching from the 
west. It failed in the latter purpose but did some effective 
work with the Southern batteries along the way. 

The one extraordinary incident of the expedition was the 
disabling of the Mound City, one of the ironclad gunboats, 
and the great loss of life that it occasioned. When near St. 
Charles the troops under Fitch were landed, and the Mound 
City moving up the river, was fired on by concealed batteries 


The Battle-field of Champion s Hill. Here on May 16, 1863, 
Grant crowned his daring maneuver against Vicksburg from the 
south with complete success. Once across the river below Grand 
Gulf, after an easy victory at Port Gibson, he was joined by 
Sherman. The army struck out across the strange country south 
of the Big Black River and soon had driven Pemberton s southern 
outposts across that stream. Grant was now on solid ground; he 
had successfully turned the flank of the Confederates and he 
grasped the opportunity to strike a telling blow. Pressing forward 
to Raymond and Jackson, he captured both, and swept westward 
to meet the astounded Pemberton, still vacillating between attempt 
ing a junction with Johnston or attacking Grant in the rear. But 
Grant, moving with wonderful precision, prevented either move 
ment. On May 16th a battle ensued which was most decisive 
around Champion s Hill. Pemberton was routed and put to 
flight, and on the next day the Federals seized the crossings of the 
Big Black River. Spiking their guns at Haynes Bluff, the Con 
federates retired into Vicksburg, never to come out again except 
as prisoners. In eighteen days from the time he crossed the 
Mississippi, Grant had gained the advantage for which the Fed 
erals had striven for more than a year at Vicksburg. 

of Tftrkatwrg 


under the direction of Lieutenant Dunnington. A 32-pound 
shot struck the vessel, crashed through the side and passed 
through the steam-drum. The steam filled the vessel in an 
instant. Many of the men were so quickly enveloped in the 
scalding vapor that they had no chance to escape. Others 
leaped overboard, some being drowned and some rescued 
through the efforts of the Conestoga which was lying near. 
While straining every nerve to save their lives, the men had 
to endure a shower of bullets from Confederate sharpshooters 
on the river banks. Of the one hundred and seventy-five 
officers and men of the Mound City only twenty-five escaped 
death or injury in that fearful catastrophe. Meanwhile, 
Colonel Fitch with his land forces rushed upon the Confed 
erate batteries and captured them. The unfortunate vessel was 
at length repaired and returned to service. 

For some time it had been known in Federal military and 
naval circles that a powerful ironclad similar to the famous 
Monitor of Eastern waters was being rushed to completion up 
the Yazoo. The new vessel was the Arkansas. On July 15th, 
she steamed through the Union fleet, bravely exchanging 
broadsides, and lodged safely under the guns of Vicksburg. 
That evening the Federal boats in turn ran past the doughty 
Arkansas,, but failed to destroy her. 

The month of July had not been favorable to the Federal 
hopes. Farragut had returned to Xew Orleans. General 
Williams had gone with him as far as Baton Rouge. Davis 
now went with his fleet back to Helena. Halleck was suc 
ceeded by Grant. Vicksburg entered upon a period of quiet. 

But this condition was temporary. The city s experience 
of blood and fire had only begun. During the summer and 
autumn of 1862, the one thought uppermost in the mind of 
General Grant was how to gain possession of the stronghold. 
He was already becoming known for his bull-dog tenacity. 
In the autumn, two important changes took place, but one 
day apart. On October 14th, General John C. Pemberton 



or REVIEWS co. 


The pursuit of Pemberton s army brought McClernand s Corps to the defenses of the Big Black River Bridge early on May 17, 1863. 
McPherson was close behind. McClernand s division carried the defenses and Bowen and Vaughn s men fled with precipitate haste 
over the dreary swamp to the river and crossed over and burned the railroad and other bridges just in time to prevent McClernand 
from following. The necessary .delay was aggravating to Grant s forces. The rest of the day and night was consumed in building 
bridges. Sherman had the only pontoon-train with the army and his bridge was the first ready at Bridgeport, early in the evening. 

of Utrksburg auJ* |tort 

succeeded Van Dorn in command of the defenses of Vicksburg, 
and on the next day David D. Porter succeeded Davis as com 
mander of the Federal fleet on the upper Mississippi. 

So arduous was the task of taking Vicksburg that the 
wits of General Grant, and those of his chief adviser, General 
W. T. Sherman, were put to the test in the last degree to 
accomplish the end. Grant knew that the capture of this for 
tified city was of great importance to the Federal cause, and 
that it would ever be looked upon as one of the chief acts in 
the drama of the Civil War. 

The first plan attempted was to divide the army, Sherman 
taking part of it from Memphis and down the Mississippi on 
transports, while Grant should move southward along the line 
of the Mississippi Central Railroad to cooperate with Sherman, 
his movements to be governed by the efforts of the scattered 
Confederate forces in Mississippi to block him. But the whole 
plan was destined to failure, through the energies of General 
Van Dorn and others of the Confederate army near Grant s 
line of communication. 

The authorities at Washington preferred the river move 
upon Vicksburg, as the navy could keep the line of communi 
cation open. The stronghold now stood within a strong line 
of defense extending from Haynes Bluff on the Yazoo to 
Grand Gulf on the Mississippi, thirty miles below Vicksburg. 
To prepare for Sherman s attack across the swamps of the 
Yazoo, Admiral Porter made several expeditions up that tor 
tuous stream to silence batteries and remove torpedoes. In 
one of these he lost one of the Eads ironclads, the Cairo, 
blown up by a torpedo, and in another the brave Commander 
Gwin, one of the heroes of Shiloh, was mortally wounded. 

Sherman, with an army of thirty-two thousand men, left 
Memphis on December 20th, and landed a few days later some 
miles north of Vicksburg on the banks of the Yazoo. On the 
29th he made a daring attack in three columns on the Con 
federate lines of defense at Chickasaw Bayou and suffered a 




The handwriting is that of Surgeon Bixby, of the Union hospital ship "Red Rover." In his album he pasted this unique 
photograph from the western shore of the river where the Federal guns and mortars threw a thousand shells into Vicksburg 
during the siege. The prominent building is the courthouse, the chief landmark during the investment. Here at Vicksburg 
the Confederates were making their last brave stand for the possession of the Mississippi River, that great artery of 
traffic. If it were wrested from them the main source of their supplies would be cut off. Pemberton, a brave and capable 
officer and a Pennsylvanian by birth, worked unremittingly for the cause he had espoused. Warned by the early attacks 
of General Williams and Admiral Farragut, he had left no stone unturned to render Vicksburg strongly defended. It had 
proved impregnable to attack on the north and east, and the powerful batteries planted on the river-front could not be 
silenced by the fleet nor by the guns of the Federals on the opposite shore. But Grant s masterful maneuver of cutting 
loose from his base and advancing from the south had at last out-generaled both Pemberton and Johnston. Nevertheless, 
Pemberton stoutly held his defenses. His high river-battery is photographed below, as it frowned upon the Federals opposite. 

0f Utrkaburg 

decisive repulse. His loss was nearly two thousand men; the 
Confederate loss was scarcely two hundred. 

Two hundred feet above the bayou, beyond where the Fed 
erals were approaching, towered the Chickasaw Bluffs, to 
which Pemberton hastened troops from Vicksburg as soon as 
he learned Sherman s object. At the base of the bluff, and 
stretching away to the north and west were swamps and forests 
intersected by deep sloughs, overhung with dense tangles of 
vines and cane-brakes. Federal valor vied with Confederate 
pluck in this fight among the marshes and fever-infested 

One of Sherman s storming parties, under General G. W. 
Morgan, came upon a broad and deep enlargement of the 
bayou, McNutt Lake, which interposed between it and the 
Confederates in the rifle-pits on the slopes and crest of the bluff. 
In the darkness of the night of December 28th, the Federal 
pontoniers labored to construct a passage-way across the lake. 
When morning dawned the weary pontoniers were chagrined 
to discover their well-built structure spanning a slough lead 
ing in another direction than toward the base of the bluff. The 
bridge was quickly taken up, and the Federals recommenced 
their labors, this time in daylight and within sight and range 
of the Southern regiments on the hill. The men in blue worked 
desperately to complete the span before driven away by the 
foe s cannon ; but the fire increased with every minute, and the 
Federals finally withdrew. 

Another storming party attempted to assail the Confed 
erates from across a sandbar of the bayou, but was halted at 
the sight and prospect of overcoming a fifteen-foot bank on 
the farther side. The crumbling bank was surmounted with 
a levee three feet high ; the steep sides of the barrier had crum 
bled away, leaving an overhanging shelf, two feet wide. Two 
companies of the Sixth Missouri regiment volunteered to cross 
the two hundred yards of exposed passage, and to cut a road 
way through the rotten bank to allow their comrades a free 



Behind these fortifications Pemberton, driven from the Big Black River, gathered his twenty-one thousand troops to make the last 
stand for the saving of the Mississippi to the Confederacy. In the upper picture we see Fort Castle, one of the strongest defenses of 
the Confederacy. It had full sweep of the river; here "Whistling Dick" (one of the most powerful guns in possession of the South) 
did deadly work. In the lower picture we see the fortifications to the east of the town, before which Grant s army was now entrench 
ing. When Vicksburg had first been threatened in 1862, the Confederate fortifications had been laid out and work begun on them 
in haste with but five hundred spades, many of the soldiers delving with their bayonets. The sites were so well chosen and the work 
so well done that they had withstood attacks for a year. They were to hold out still longer. By May 18th the Federals had com 
pletely invested Vicksburg, and Grant and Sherman rode out to Haynes Bluff to view the open river to the north, down which abun 
dant supplies were now coming for the army. Sherman, who had not believed that the plan could succeed, frankly acknowledged 
his mistake. But the Mississippi was not yet theirs. Sherman, assaulting the fortifications of Vicksburg, the next day, was re 
pulsed. A second attack, on the 22d, failed and on the 25th Grant settled down to starve Pemberton out. 

0f Btrkatmrg anb ftart 


path to the bluff beyond. To add to the peril of the cross 
ing, the sandbar was strewn with tangles of undergrowth and 
fallen trees, and the Confederate shells and bullets were rain 
ing upon the ground. Still, the gallant troops began their 
dash. From the very start, a line of wounded and dead Mis- 
sourians marked the passage of the volunteers. The survivors 
reached the bank and desperately sought to dig the roadway. 
From the shrubbery on the bank suddenly appeared Confed 
erate sharpshooters who poured their fire into the laboring 
soldiers; the flame of the discharging muskets burned the 
clothing of the Federals because the hostile forces were so close. 
Human endurance could not stand before this carnage, and the 
brave Missourians fled from the inferno. Sherman now found 
the northern pathway to Vicksburg impassable, and withdrew 
his men to the broad Mississippi. 

Earlier in the same month had occurred two other events 
which, with the defeat of Chickasaw, go to make up the triple 
disaster to the Federals. On the llth, General Nathan For 
rest, one of the most brilliant cavalry leaders on either side, 
began one of those destructive raids which characterize the Civil 
War. With tw 7 enty-five hundred horsemen, Forrest dashed 
unopposed through the country north of Grant s army, tore 
up sixty miles of railroad and destroyed all telegraph lines. 

Meantime, on December 20th, the day on which Sherman 
left Memphis, General Van Dorn pounced upon Holly 
Springs, in Mississippi, like an eagle on its prey, capturing 
the guard of fifteen hundred men and burning the great store 
of supplies, w T orth $1,500,000, which Grant had left there. 
Through the raids of Forrest and Van Dorn, Grant was left 
without supplies and for eleven days without communication 
with the outside world. He marched northward to Grand 
Junction, in Tennessee, a distance of eighty miles, living off 
the country. It was not until January 8, 1863, that he heard, 
through Washington, of the defeat of Sherman in his assault 
on Chickasaw Bluffs. 




Battery Sherman, on the Jackson Road, before Vicksburg. Settling down to a siege did not mean idleness 
for Grant s army. Fortifications had to be opposed to the formidable one of the Confederates and a con 
stant bombardment kept up to silence their guns, one by one. It was to be a drawn-out duel in which 
Pemberton, hoping for the long-delayed relief from Johnston, held out bravely against starvation and even 
mutiny. For twelve miles the Federal lines stretched around Vicksburg, investing it to the river bank, 
north and south. More than eighty-nine battery positions were constructed by the Federals. Battery 
Sherman was exceptionally well built not merely revetted with rails or cotton-bales and floored with 
rough timber, as lack of proper material often made necessary. Gradually the lines were drawn closer and 
closer as the Federals moved up their guns to silence the works that they had failed to take in May. At 
the time of the surrender Grant had more than 220 guns in position, mostly of heavy caliber. By the 
1st of July besieged and besiegers faced each other at a distance of half-pistol shot. Starving and ravaged 
by disease, the Confederates had repelled repeated attacks which depleted their forces, while Grant, re- 
enforced to three times their number, was showered with supplies and ammunition that he might bring 
about the long-delayed victory which the North had been eagerly awaiting since Chancellor sville. 

nf Btrkaburg anft Itort 

Grant and Sherman had no thought of abandoning Vicks- 
burg because of this failure. But a month of unfortunate mili 
tary dissension over rank in the command of Sherman s army 
resulted in General John A. McClernand, armed with author 
ity from Washington, coming down from Illinois and super 
seding Sherman. On January 11, 1864, he captured Arkansas 
Post, a stronghold on the Arkansas River. But Grant, having 
authority to supersede McClernand in the general proceedings 
against Vicksburg, did so, on January 30th, and arguments 
on military precedence were forgotten. 

Grant was determined to lead his Army of the Tennessee 
below Vicksburg arid approach the city from the south, with 
out breaking with his base of supplies up the river. Two proj 
ects, both of which were destined to fail, were under way dur 
ing the winter and spring months of 1863. One of these was 
to open a way for the river craft through Lake Providence, 
west of the Mississippi, through various bayous and rivers into 
the Red River, a detour of four hundred miles. 

Another plan was to cut a channel through the peninsula 
of the great bend of the Mississippi, opposite Vicksburg. For 
six weeks, thousands of men worked like marmots digging 
this ditch; but, meantime, the river was rising and, on March 
8th, it broke over the embankment and the men had to run for 
their lives. Many horses were drowned and a great number 
of implements submerged. The " Father of Waters " had put 
a decisive veto on the project and it had to be given up. Still 
another plan that failed was to cut through the Yazoo Pass 
and approach from the north by way of the Coldwater, the 
Tallahatchie, and the Yazoo rivers. 

Failure with Grant only increased his grim determination. 
He would take Vicksburg. His next plan was destined to 
bring success. It was to transfer his army by land down 
the west bank of the Mississippi to a point below the city 
and approach it from the south and west. This necessitated 
the running of the batteries by Porter s fleet an extremely 



Logan s Division undermining the most formidable redoubt in the defenses of Vicksburg. The position 
was immediately in front of this honeycombed slope on the Jackson road. Upon these troops fell most 
of the labor of sapping and mining, which finally resulted in the wrecking of the fort so gallantly de 
fended by the veterans of the Third Louisiana. As the Federal lines crept up, the men working night 
and day were forced to live in burrows. They became proficient in such gopher work as the picture shows. 
Up to the "White House" (Shirley s) the troops could be marched in comparative safety, but a short dis 
tance beyond they were exposed to the Confederate sharpshooters, who had only rifles and muskets to 
depend on; their artillery had long since been silenced. Near this house was constructed "Coonskin s" 
Tower; it was built of railway iron and cross-ties under the direction of Second Lieutenant Henry C. Foster, 
of Company B, Twenty-third Indiana. A backwoodsman and dead-shot, he was particularly active in 
paying the Confederate sharpshooters in their own coin. He habitually wore a cap of raccoon fur, which gave 
him his nickname and christened the tower, from which the interior of the Confederate works could be seen. 

nf Btrk0tmrg 

perilous enterprise. The army was divided into four corps, 
commanded respectively by Sherman, McClernand, McPher- 
son, and Hurlbut. The latter was stationed at Memphis. On 
March 29th, the movement of McClernand from Milliken s 
Bend to a point opposite Grand Gulf was begun. He was 
soon followed by McPherson and a few weeks later by Sher 
man. It required a month for the army, with its heavy artil 
lery, to journey through the swamps and bogs of Louisiana. 

While this march was in progress, something far more 
exciting was taking place on the river. Porter ran the bat 
teries of Vicksburg with his fleet. After days of preparation 
the fleet of vessels, protected by cotton bales and hay about 
the vital parts of the boats, with heavy logs slung near the 
water-line seven gunboats, the ram General Price, three 
transports, and various barges were ready for the dangerous 
journey on the night of April 16th. Silently in the darkness, 
they left their station near the mouth of the Yazoo, at a quarter 
past nine. For an hour and a half all was silence and expect 
ancy. The bluffs on the east loomed black against the night 
sky. Suddenly, the flash of musketry fire pierced the darkness. 

In a few minutes every battery overlooking the river was a 
center of spurting flame. A storm of shot and shell was rained 
upon the passing vessels. Not one escaped being struck many 
times. The water of the river was lashed into foam by the 
shots and shell from the batteries. The gunboats answered 
with their cannon. The air was filled with flying missiles. 
Several houses on the Louisiana shore burst into flame and the 
whole river from shore to shore was lighted with vivid distinct 
ness. A little later, a giant flame leaped from the bosom of the 
river. A vessel had caught fire. It was the transport Henry 
Clay. It burned to the w r ater s edge, nearly all its crew escap 
ing to other vessels. Grant described the scene as " magnifi 
cent, but terrible"; Sherman pronounced it "truly sublime." 

By three in the morning, the fleet was below the city 
and ready to cooperate with the army. One vessel had been 

1 863 


Independence Day, 1863, was a memorable anniversary of the nation s birth; it brought to the anxious North the 
momentous news that Meade had won at Gettysburg and that Vicksburg had fallen in the West. The marble shaft 
in the picture was erected to mark the spot where Grant and Pemberton met on July 3d to confer about the sur 
render. Under a tree, within a few hundred feet of the Confederate lines, Grant greeted his adversary as an old 
acquaintance. They had fought in the same division for a time in the Mexican War. Each spoke but two 
sentences as to the surrender, for Grant lived up to the nickname he gained at Donelson, and Pemberton s pride 
was hurt. The former comrades walked and talked awhile on other things, and then returned to their lines. Next 
day the final terms were arranged by correspondence, and the Confederates marched out with colors flying; they 
stacked their arms and, laying their colors upon them, marched back into the city to be paroled. Those who 
signed the papers not to fight until exchanged numbered 29,391. The tree where the commanders met was soon 
carried away, root and branch, by relic-hunters. Subsequently the monument which replaced it was chipped 
gradually into bits, and in 1866 a 64-pounder cannon took its place as a permanent memorial. 


destroyed, several others were crippled ; thirteen men had been 
wounded, but Grant had the assistance he needed. About a 
week later, six more transports performed the same feat and 
ran the batteries; each had two barges laden with forage and 
rations in tow. 

Grant s next move was to transfer the army across the 
river and to secure a base of supplies. There, on the bluff, 
was Grand Gulf, a tempting spot. But the Confederate guns 
showed menacingly over the brow of the hill. After a fruit 
less bombardment by the fleet on April 29th, it was decided 
that a more practical place to cross the river must be sought 

Meanwhile, Sherman was ordered by his chief to advance 
upon the formidable Haynes Bluff, on the Yazoo River, some 
miles above the scene of his repulse in the preceding December. 
The message had said, " Make a demonstration on Haynes 
Bluff, and make all the show possible." Sherman s transports, 
and three of Porter s gunboats, were closely followed by the 
Confederate soldiers who had been stationed at the series of de 
fenses on the range of hills, and when they arrived at Snyder s 
Mill, just below Haynes Bluff, on April 30th, General Hebert 
and several Louisiana regiments were awaiting them. On that 
day arid the next the Confederates fiercely engaged the Union 
fleet and troops, and on May 2d Sherman withdrew his forces 
to the western bank of the Mississippi and hastened to Grant. 
The feint had been most successful. The Confederates had 
been prevented from sending reenforcements to Grand Gulf, 
and Grant s crossing was greatly facilitated. 

The fleet passed the batteries of Grand Gulf and stopped 
at Bruinsburg, six miles below. A landing was soon made, 
the army taken across on April 30th, and a march to Port 
Gibson, twelve miles inland, was begun. General Bowen, Con 
federate commander at Grand Gulf, came out and offered 
battle. He was greatly outnumbered, but his troops fought 
gallantly throughout most of the day, May 1st, before yielding 


In the picture the "Silver Lake" is lying off Vicksburg after its fall. While Admiral Porter was busy 
attacking Vicksburg with the Mississippi squadron, Lieutenant-Commander Le Roy Fitch, with a few small 
gunboats, was actively patrolling the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers. It was soon seen that the hold 
upon Tennessee and Kentucky gained by the Federals by the fall of Forts Henry and Donelson would be 
lost without adequate assistance from the navy, and Admiral Porter was authorized to purchase small 
light-draft river steamers and add them to Fitch s flotilla as rapidly as they could be converted into gun 
boats. One of the first to be completed was the "Silver Lake." The little stern-wheel steamer first dis 
tinguished herself on February 3, 1863, at Dover, Tennessee, where she (with Fitch s flotilla) assisted in 
routing 4,500 Confederates, who were attacking the Federals at that place. The little vessel continued to 
render yeoman s service with the other gunboats, ably assisted by General A. W. Ellet s marine brigade. 





the field. Port Gibson was then occupied by the Union army, 
and Grand Gulf, no longer tenable, was abandoned by the 

Grant now prepared for a campaign into the interior of 
Mississippi. His first intention was to cooperate with General 
Banks in the capture of Port Hudson, after which they would 
move together upon Vicksburg. But hearing that Banks 
would not arrive for ten days, Grant decided that he would 
proceed to the task before him without delay. His army at 
that time numbered about forty-three thousand. That under 
Pemberton probably forty thousand, while there were fifteen 
thousand Confederate troops at Jackson, Mississippi, soon to 
be commanded by General Joseph E. Johnston, who was has 
tening to that capital. 

The Federal leader now determined on the bold plan 
of making a dash into the interior of Mississippi, beating John 
ston and turning on Pemberton before their forces could be 
joined. This campaign is pronounced the most brilliant in 
the Civil War. It was truly Napoleonic in conception and 
execution. Grant knew that his base of supplies at Grand 
Gulf would be cut off by Pemberton as soon as he moved 
away from it. He decided, therefore, against the advice of 
his generals, to abandon his base altogether. 

A more daring undertaking could scarcely be imagined. 
With a few days rations in their haversacks the troops were 
to make a dash that would possibly take several weeks into the 
heart of a hostile country. This was certainly defying fate. 
When General Halleck heard of Grant s daring scheme he 
wired the latter from Washington, ordering him to move his 
army down the river and cooperate with Banks. Fortunately, 
this order was received too late to interfere with Grant s plans. 

As soon as Sherman s divisions joined the main army the 
march was begun, on May 7th. An advance of this character 
must be made with the greatest celerity and Grant s army 
showed amazing speed. McPherson, who commanded the right 



I // 







The Levee at Vicksburg, February, 1864. For seven months the Federals had been in possession of the city, and the Mississippi 
now open through its entire course cut off the struggling Confederacy in the East from the South and Southwest, the storehouses of 
their resources and their main dependence in continuing the struggle. But even such a blow as this, coming on top of Gettysburg, 
did not force the brave people of the South to give up the struggle. In the picture the only remaining warlike signs are the tents 
on the opposite shore. But on both sides of the river the Confederates were still desperately striving to reunite their territory. In 
the East another year and more of the hardest kind of fighting was ahead ; another severing in twain of the South was inevitable before 
peace could come, and before the muskets could be used to shoot the crows, and before their horses could plough the neglected fields. 

Utrksbttrg anb ftort 

wing, proceeded toward Jackson by way of Raymond and at 
the latter place encountered five thousand Confederates, on 
May 12th, who blocked his way and were prepared for fight. 
The battle of Raymond lasted two hours. McPherson was 
completely successful and the Confederates hastened to join 
their comrades in Jackson. 

McPherson lost no time. He moved on toward Jackson, 
and as the last of his command left Raymond the advance of 
Sherman s corps reached it. That night, May 13th, Grant 
ordered McPherson and Sherman to march upon Jackson next 
morning by different roads, while McClernand was held in the 
rear near enough to reenforce either in case of need. The rain 
fell in torrents that night and, as Grant reported, in places 
the water was a foot deep in the road. But nothing could 
daunt his determined army. At eleven o clock in the morn 
ing of the 14th, a concerted attack was made on the capital 
of Mississippi. A few hours brisk fighting concluded this act 
of the drama, and the Stars and Stripes were unfurled on the 
State capitol. Among the spoils were seventeen heavy guns. 
That night, Grant slept in the house which Johnston had occu 
pied the night before. 

Meantime, Johnston had ordered Pemberton to detain 
Grant by attacking him in the rear. But Pemberton consid 
ered it more advisable to move toward Grand Gulf to separate 
Grant from his base of supplies, not knowing that Grant had 
abandoned his base. And now, with Johnston s army scat 
tered, Grant left Sherman to burn bridges and military fac 
tories, and to tear up the railroads about Jackson while he 
turned fiercely on Pemberton. McPherson s corps took the 
lead. Grant called on McClernand to follow without delay. 
Then, hearing that Pemberton was marching toward him, he 
called on Sherman to hasten from Jackson. At Champion s 
Hill (Baker s Creek) Pemberton stood in the way, with 
eighteen thousand men. 

The battle was soon in progress the heaviest of the 




OF 1863 

These fortifications withstood every attack of 
Banks powerful army from May 24 to July 
9, 1863. Like Vicksburg, Port Hudson could 
be reduced only by a weary siege. These 
pictures, taken within the fortifications, show 
in the distance the ground over which the 
investing army approached to the two un 
successful grand assaults they made upon the 
Confederate defenders. The strength of the 
works is apparent. A continuous line of 
parapet, equally strong, had been thrown up 
for the defense of Port Hudson, surrounding 
the town for a distance of three miles and 
more, each end terminating on the river- 
bank. Four powerful forts were located at 
the salients, and the line throughout was 
defended by thirty pieces of field artillery. 
Brigadier-General Beall, who commanded 
the post in 1862, constructed these works. 
Major-General Frank Gardner succeeded 
him in command at the close of the year. 


Gardner was behind these defenses with a 
garrison of about seven thousand when 
Banks approached Port Hudson for the 
second time on May 24th. Gardner was 
under orders to evacuate the place and join 
his force to that of Johnston at Jackson, 
Mississippi, but the courier who brought the 
order arrived at the very hour when Banks 
began to bottle up the Confederates. On the 
morning of May 25th Banks drove in the 
Confederate skirmishers and outposts and, 
with an army of thirty thousand, invested 
the fortifications from the eastward. At 
10 A.M., after an artillery duel of more than 
four hours, the Federals advanced to the 
assault of the works. Fighting in a dense 
forest of magnolias, amid thick undergrowth 
and among ravines choked with felled timber, 
the progress of the troops was too slow for a 
telling attack. The battle has been described 
as "a gigantic bushwhack." The Federals 
at the center reached the ditch in front of the 
Confederate works but were driven off. At 
nightfall the attempt was abandoned. It 
had cost Banks nearly two thousand men. 


campaign. It continued for seven or eight hours. The Con 
federates were defeated with a loss of nearly all their artillery 
and about half their force, including four thousand men who 
were cut off from the main army and failed to rejoin it. On 
the banks of the Big Black River, a few miles westward, the 
Confederates made another stand, and here the fifth battle of 
the investment of Vicksburg took place. It was short, sharp, 
decisive. The Confederates suffered heavy losses and the re 
mainder hastened to the defenses of Vicksburg. They had set 
fire to the bridge across the Big Black, and Grant s army was 
detained for a day until the Confederates were safely lodged 
in the city. 

The Federal army now invested Vicksburg, occupying the 
surrounding hills. It was May 18th when the remarkable 
campaign to reach Vicksburg came to an end. In eighteen 
days, the army had marched one hundred and eighty miles 
through a hostile country, fought and won five battles, cap 
tured a State capital, had taken twenty-seven heavy cannon 
and sixty field-pieces, and had slain or wounded six thousand 
men and captured as many more. As Grant and Sherman 
rode out on the hill north of the city, the latter broke into 
enthusiastic admiration of his chief, declaring that up to that 
moment he had felt no assurance of success, and pronouncing 
the campaign one of the greatest in history. 

The great problem of investing Vicksburg was solved at 
last. Around the doomed city gleamed the thousands of bayo 
nets of the Union army. The inhabitants and the army that 
had fled to it as a city of refuge were penned in. But the Con 
federacy was not to yield without a stubborn resistance. On 
May 19th, an advance was made on the works and the besieg 
ing lines drew nearer and tightened their coils. Three days 
later, on May 22nd, Grant ordered a grand assault by his 
whole army. The troops, flushed with their victories of the 
past three weeks, were eager for the attack. All the corps 
commanders set their watches by Grant s in order to begin 


A "Quaker gun" that was mounted by the Confederates 
in the fortifications on the bluff at the river-front before 
Port Hudson. This gun was hewn out of a pine log and 
mounted on a carriage, and a black ring was painted 
around the end facing the river. Throughout the siege it 
was mistaken by the Federals for a piece of real ordnance. 

To such devices as this the beleaguered garrison was com 
pelled constantly to resort in order to impress the superior 
forces investing Port Hudson with the idea that the posi 
tion they sought to capture was formidably defended. The 
ruse was effective. Port Hudson was not again attacked 
from the river after the passing of Farragut s two ships. 



This bastion fort, near the left of the Confederate line of 
defenses at Port Hudson, was the strongest of their works, 
and here Weitzel and Grover s divisions of the Federals 
followed up the attack (begun at daylight of June 14th) 
that Banks had ordered all along the line in his second 

effort to capture the position. The only result was sim 
ply to advance the Federal lines from fifty to two 
hundred yards nearer. In front of the "citadel" an 
advance position was gained from which a mine was 
subsequently run to within a few yards of the fort. 

nf IftrkHbttrg anln ftort Iftthstm $ 

the assault at all points at the same moment ten o clock in 
the morning. At the appointed time, the cannon from the 
encircling lines burst forth in a deafening roar. Then came 
the answering thunders from the mortar-boats on the Louisiana 
shore and from the gunboats anchored beneath the bluff. The 
gunboats fire was answered from within the bastions protect 
ing the city. The opening of the heavy guns on the land side 
was followed by the sharper crackle of musketry thousands 
of shots, indistinguishable in a continuous roll. 

The men in the Federal lines leaped from their hiding 
places and ran to the parapets in the face of a murderous fire 
from the defenders of the city, only to be mowed down by 
hundreds. Others came, crawling over the bodies of their 
fallen comrades now and then they planted their colors on 
the battlements of the besieged city, to be cut down by the gall 
ing Confederate fire. Thus it continued hour after hour, until 
the coming of darkness. The assault had failed. The Union 
loss was about three thousand brave men ; the Confederate loss 
was probably not much over five hundred. 

Grant had made a fearful sacrifice ; he was paying a high 
price but he had a reason for so doing Johnston with a re- 
enforcing army was threatening him in the rear; by taking 
Vicksburg at this time he could have turned on Johnston, and 
could have saved the Government sending any more Federal 
troops; and, to use his own words, it was needed because the 
men " would not have worked in the trenches with the same 
zeal, believing it unnecessary, as they did after their failure, 
to carry the enemy s works." 

On the north side of the city overlooking the river, were 
the powerful batteries on Fort Hill, a deadly menace to the 
Federal troops, and Grant and Sherman believed that if en 
filaded by the gunboats this position could be carried. At 
their request Admiral Porter sent the Cincinnati on May 27th 
to engage the Confederate guns, while four vessels below the 
town did the same to the lower defenses. In half an hour five 






The clearest and most trustworthy evidence of an opponent s strength is of course an actual photograph. Such evidence, in 
spite of the early stage of the art and the difficulty of "running in" chemical supplies on "orders to trade," was supplied the Con 
federate leaders in the Southwest by Lytle, the Baton Rouge photographer really a member of the Confederate secret service. 
Here are photographs of the First Indiana Heavy Artillery (formerly the Twenty-first Indiana Infantry), showing its strength 
and position on the arsenal grounds at Baton Rouge. As the Twenty-first Indiana, the regiment had been at Baton Rouge during 
the first Federal occupation, and after the fall of Port Hudson it returned there for garrison duty. Little did its officers suspect that 
the quiet man photographing the batteries at drill was about to convey the "information" beyond their lines to their opponents. 

0f Utrkalmrg anfo ftori I 

of the Cincinnati s guns were disabled; and she was in a sink 
ing condition. She was run toward the shore and sank in 
three fathoms of water. 

The army now settled down to a wearisome siege. For six 
weeks, they encircled the city with trenches, approaching nearer 
and nearer to the defending walls; they exploded mines; they 
shot at every head that appeared above the parapets. One 
by one the defending batteries were silenced. The sappers 
slowly worked their way toward the Confederate ramparts. 
Miners were busy on both sides burrowing beneath the forti 
fications. At three o clock on the afternoon of June 25th a 
redoubt in the Confederate works was blown into the air, break 
ing into millions of fragments and disclosing guns, men, and 
timber. With the mine explosion, the Federal soldiers before 
the redoubt began to dash into the opening, only to meet with a 
withering fire from an interior parapet which the Confederates 
had constructed in anticipation of this event. The carnage was 
appalling to behold ; and w r hen the soldiers of the Union finally 
retired they had learned a costly lesson which withheld them 
from attack when another mine was exploded on July 1st. 

Meantime, let us take a view of the river below and the 
life of the people within the doomed city. Far down the river, 
two hundred and fifty miles from Vicksburg, was Port Hud 
son. The place was fortified and held by a Confederate force 
under General Gardner. Like Vicksburg, it was besieged by 
a Federal army, under Nathaniel P. Banks, of Cedar Moun 
tain fame. On May 27th, he made a desperate attack on the 
works and was powerfully aided by Farragut with his fleet 
in the river. But aside from dismounting a few guns and 
weakening the foe at a still heavier cost to their own ranks, 
the Federals were unsuccessful. Again, on June 10th, and still 
again on the 14th, Banks made fruitless attempts to carry Port 
Hudson by storm. He then, like Grant at Vicksburg, settled 
down to a siege. The defenders of Port Hudson proved their 
courage by enduring every hardship. 





A I 








In the fight with the batteries at Port Hudson, March 14, 1863, Farragut, in the " Hartford " lashed to the " Albatross, " got by, but 
the fine old consort of the "Hartford," the "Mississippi," went down her gunners fighting to the last. Farragut, in anguish, could 
see her enveloped in flames lighting up the river. She had grounded under the very guns of a battery, and not until actually driven 
off by the flames did her men leave her. When the "Mississippi" grounded, the shock threw her lieutenant-commander into the river, 
and in confusion he swam toward the shore; then, turning about, he swam back to his ship. Captain Smith thus writes in his report: 
"I consider that I should be neglecting a most important duty should I omit to mention the coolness of my executive officer, Mr. 
Dewey, and the steady, fearless, and gallant manner in which the officers and men of the Mississippi defended her, and the orderly 
and quiet manner in which she was abandoned after being thirty-five minutes aground under the fire of the enemy s batteries. There 
was no confusion in embarking the crew, and the only noise was from the enemy s cannon." Lieutenant-Commander George Dewey, 
here mentioned at the age of 26, was to exemplify in Manila Bay on May 1, 1898, the lessons he was learning from Farragut. 

of Htdushurg ant ftort 



At Vicksburg, during the whole six weeks of the siege, the 
men in the trenches worked steadily, advancing the coils about 
the city. Grant received reenforcement and before the end of 
the siege his army numbered over seventy thousand. Day and 
night, the roar of artillery continued. From the mortars across 
the river and from Porter s fleet the shrieking shells rose in 
grand parabolic curves, bursting in midair or in the streets 
of the city, spreading havoc in all directions. The people of 
the city burrowed into the ground for safety. Many whole 
families lived in these dismal abodes, their walls of clay being 
shaken by the roaring battles that raged above the ground. 
In one of these dens, sixty-five people found a home. The 
food supply ran low, and day by day it became scarcer. At 
last, by the end of June, there was nothing to eat except mule 
meat and a kind of bread made of beans and corn meal. 

It was ten o clock in the morning of July 3d. White 
flags w r ere seen above the parapet. The firing ceased. A 
strange quietness rested over the scene of the long bombard 
ment. On the afternoon of that day, the one, too, on which w r as 
heard the last shot on the battlefield of Gettysburg, Grant and 
Pemberton stood beneath an oak tree, in front of McPherson s 
corps, and opened negotiations for the capitulation. On the 
following morning, the Nation s birthday, about thirty thou 
sand soldiers laid down their arms as prisoners of war and were 
released on parole. The losses from May 1st to the surrender 
were about ten thousand on each side. 

Three days later, at Port Hudson, a tremendous cheer 
arose from the besieging army. The Confederates within the 
defenses were at a loss to know the cause. Then some one 
shouted the news, "Vicksburg has surrendered!" 

The end had come. Port Hudson could not hope to stand 
alone; the greater fortress had fallen. Two days later, July 
9th, the gallant garrison, worn and weary with the long siege, 
surrendered to General Banks. The whole course of the 
mighty Mississippi was now under the Stars and Stripes. 

[Part VIII] 







19, 1863 






The most important American address is brief: "Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent 
a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in 
a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a 
great battlefield of that waf. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave 
their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense, we 
cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, 
have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say 
here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work 
which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task re 
maining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full 
measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this nation, under God, shall 
have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. " 






THE military operations of the American Civil War were 
carried on for the most part south of the Mason and 
Dixon line; but the greatest and most famous of the battles 
was fought on the soil of the old Keystone State, which had 
given birth to the Declaration of Independence and to the Con 
stitution of the United States. 

Gettysburg is a quiet hamlet, nestling among the hills of 
Adams County, and in 1863 contained about fifteen hundred 
inhabitants. It had been founded in 1780 by James Gettys, 
who probably never dreamed that his name thus given to the 
village would, through apparently accidental circumstances, 
become famous in history for all time. 

The hills immediately around Gettysburg are not rugged 
or precipitous; they are little more than gentle swells of 
ground, and many of them were covered with timber when the 
hosts of the North and the legions of the South fought out the 
destiny of the American republic on those memorable July 
days in 1863. 

Lee s army was flushed with victory after Chancellorsville 
and was strengthened by the memory of Fredericksburg. 
Southern hopes were high after Hooker s defeat on the Rappa- 
hannock, in May, 1863, and public opinion was unanimous in 
demanding an invasion of Northern soil. On the other hand, 
the Army of the Potomac, under its several leaders, had met 
with continual discouragement, and, with all its patriotism and 
valor, its two years warfare showed but few bright pages to 
cheer the heart of the war-broken soldier, and to inspire the 
hopes of the anxious public in the North. 







a e 


c e 
<a 2 

^ 1 

, o i> 

^ -S 


x ^_ 

S ^ 

.2 .2 S> 


d a 

^5 -S 

-a 3 



^ -S -2 - 1 

^; ti, "S S cr 


2 i2 fi 

.S .5 1 

S ^ 

=3 h 

- CA 

r ^ 

K o ^ 

S** p-C ^ 

" "^ d 

6 .2 

*^ H 4-* 

rt w !w 

,1J p -^ Cg 


5 ? e 

s ^ 

O M 

- CO 4^ 

s a 

i i a 

O O K 


O ^ ff * 

7 3 2 J 


Leaving General Stuart with ten thousand cavalry and a 
part of Hill s corps to prevent Hooker from pursuing, Lee 
crossed the Potomac early in June, 1863, concentrated his 
army at Hagerstown, Maryland, and prepared for a cam 
paign in Pennsylvania, with Harrisburg as the objective. His 
army was organized in three corps, under the respective com 
mands of Longstreet, Ewell, and A. P. Hill. Lee had divided 
his army so as to approach Harrisburg by different routes and 
to assess the towns along the way for large sums of money. 
Late in June, he was startled by the intelligence that Stuart 
had failed to detain Hooker, and that the Federals had crossed 
the Potomac and were in hot pursuit. 

Lee was quick to see that his plans must be changed. He 
knew that to continue his march he must keep his army to 
gether to watch his pursuing antagonist, and that such a course 
in this hostile country would mean starvation, while the will 
ing hands of the surrounding populace would minister to the 
wants of his foe. Again, if he should scatter his forces that 
they might secure the necessary supplies, the parts would be 
attacked singly and destroyed. Lee saw, therefore, that he 
must abandon his invasion of the North or turn upon his pur 
suing foe and disable him in order to continue his march. But 
that foe was a giant of strength and courage, more than equal 
to his own; and the coming together of two such forces in a 
mighty death-struggle meant that a great battle must be 
fought, a greater battle than this Western world had hitherto 

The Army of the Potomac had again changed leaders, and 
George Gordon Meade was now its commander. Hooker, 
after a dispute with Halleck, resigned his leadership, and 
Meade, the strongest of the corps commanders, was appointed 
in his place, succeeding him on June 28th. The two great 
armies Union and Confederate were scattered over portions 
of Maryland and southern Pennsylvania. Both were march 
ing northward, along almost parallel lines. The Confederates 


It was with the gravest misgivings that Lee began his invasion of the North in 1863. He was 
too wise a general not to realize that a crushing defeat was possible. Yet, with Vicksburg 
already doomed, the effort to win a decisive victory in the East was imperative in its impor 
tance. Magnificent was the courage and fortitude of Lee s maneuvering during that long 
march which was to end in failure. Hitherto he had made every one of his veterans count for 
two of their antagonists, but at Gettysburg the odds had fallen heavily against him. Jackson, 
his resourceful ally, was no more. Longstreet advised strongly against giving battle, but Lee 
unwaveringly made the tragic effort which sacrificed more than a third of his splendid army. 


were gradually pressing toward the east, while the Federals 
were marching along a line eastward of that followed by the 
Confederates. The new commander of the Army of the Poto 
mac was keeping his forces interposed between the legions of 
Lee and the Federal capital, and watching for an opportunity 
to force the Confederates to battle where the Federals would 
have the advantage of position. It was plain that they must 
soon come together in a gigantic contest; but just where the 
shock of battle would take place was yet unknown. Meade 
had ordered a general movement toward Harrisburg, and Gen 
eral Buford was sent with four thousand cavalry to intercept 
the Confederate advance guard. 

On the night of June 30th Buford encamped on a low hill, 
a mile west of Gettysburg, and here on the following morning 
the famous battle had its beginning. 

On the morning of July 1st the two armies were still scat 
tered, the extremes being forty miles apart. But General 
Reynolds, with two corps of the Union army, was but a few 
miles away, and was hastening to Gettysburg, while Long- 
street and Hill were approaching from the west. Buford 
opened the battle, against Heth s division of Hill s corps. Rey 
nolds soon joined Buford, and three hours before noon the bat 
tle was in progress on Seminary Ridge. Reynolds rode out 
to his fighting-lines on the ridge, and while placing his troops, 
a little after ten o clock in the morning, he received a sharp 
shooter s bullet in the brain. The gallant Federal leader fell 
dead. John F. Reynolds, who had been promoted for gal 
lantry at Buena Vista in the Mexican War, was one of the 
bravest and ablest generals of the Union army. No casualty 
of the war brought more widespread mourning to the North 
than the death of Reynolds. 

But even this calamity could not stay the fury of the bat 
tle. By one o clock both sides had been greatly reenforced, 
and the battle-line extended north of the town from Seminary 
Ridge to +he bank of Rock Creek. Here for hours the roar 




Every man in this picture was wounded at Gettysburg. Seated, is Winfield Scott Hancock; the boy-general, Francis C. Barlow (who 
was struck almost mortally), leans against the tree. The other two are General John Gibbon and General David B. Birney. About 
four o clock on the afternoon of July 1st a foam-flecked charger dashed up Cemetery Hill bearing General Hancock. He had galloped 
thirteen miles to take command. Apprised of the loss of Reynolds, his main dependence, Meade knew that only a man of vigor and 
judgment could save the situation. He chose wisely, for Hancock was one of the best all-round soldiers that the Army of the Poto 
mac had developed. It was he who re-formed the shattered corps and chose the position to be held for the decisive struggle. 



of the battle was unceasing. About the middle of the after 
noon a breeze lifted the smoke that had enveloped the whole 
battle-line in darkness, and revealed the fact that the Federals 
were being pressed back toward Gettysburg. General Carl 
Schurz, who after Reynolds death directed the extreme right 
near Rock Creek, leaving nearly half of his men dead or 
wounded on the field, retreated toward Cemetery Hill, and 
in passing through the town the Confederates pursued and cap 
tured a large number of the remainder. The left wing, now 
unable to hold its position owing to the retreat of the right, 
was also forced back, and it, too, took refuge on Cemetery 
Hill, which had been selected by General O. O. Howard; 
and the first day s fight was over. It was several hours be 
fore night, and had the Southerners known of the disorganized 
condition of the Union troops, they might have pursued and 
captured a large part of the army. Meade, who was still some 
miles from the field, hearing of the death of Reynolds, had 
sent Hancock to take general command until he himself should 

Hancock had ridden at full speed and arrived on the field 
between three and four o clock in the afternoon. His presence 
soon brought order out of chaos. His superb bearing, his air 
of confidence, his promise of heavy reenforcements during the 
night, all tended to inspire confidence and to renew hope in the 
ranks of the discouraged army. Had this day ended the affair 
at Gettysburg, the usual story of the defeat of the Army of 
the Potomac would have gone forth to the world. Only the 
advance portions of both armies had been engaged; and yet 
the battle had been a formidable one. The Union loss was 
severe. A great commander had fallen, and the rank and file 
had suffered the fearful loss of ten thousand men. 

Meade reached the scene late in the night, and chose to 
make this field, on which the advance of both armies had acci 
dentally met, the place of a general engagement. Lee had 
come to the same decision, and both called on their outlying 



here was little time 
hat could be employed 
y either side in caring 
or those who fell upon 
he fields of the almost 
ninterrupted fighting 
t Gettysburg. On the 
norning of the 4th, 
when Lee began to 
bandon his position on 
seminary Ridge, oppo- 
ite the Federal right, 
>oth sides sent forth 
mbulance and burial 
letails to remove the 
.ounded and bury the 
lead in the torrential 
ain then falling. Under 
x>ver of the hazy at- 
nosphere, Lee was get 

ting his whole army in 
motion to retreat. 
Many an unfinished 
shallow grave, like the 
one above, had to be 
left by the Confederates. 
In this lower picture 
some men of the Twenty- 
fourth Michigan in 
fantry are lying dead 
on the field of battle. 
This regiment one of 
the units of the Iron 
Brigade left seven dis 
tinct rows of dead as it 
fell back from battle-line 
to battle-line, on the first 
day. Three-fourths of 
its members were struck 


* * 



legions to make all possible speed to Gettysburg. Before 
morning, nearly all the troops of both armies had reached the 
field. The Union army rested with its center on Cemetery 
Ridge, with its right thrown around to Gulp s Hill and its left 
extended southward toward the rocky peak called Round Top. 
The Confederate army, with its center on Seminary Ridge, 
its wings, extending from beyond Rock Creek on the north to a 
point opposite Round Top on the south, lay in a great semi 
circle, half surrounding the Army of the Potomac. But Lee 
was at a disadvantage. First, " Stonewall " Jackson was 
gone, and second, Stuart was absent with his ten thousand 
cayalry. Furthermore, Meade was on the defensive, and had 
the advantage of occupying the inner ring of the huge half 
circle. Thus lay the two mighty hosts, awaiting the morning, 
and the carnage that the day was to bring. It seemed that the 
fate of the Republic was here to be decided, and the people 
of the North and the South watched with breathless eagerness 
for the decision about to be made at Gettysburg. 

The dawn of July 2d betokened a beautiful summer day 
in southern Pennsylvania. The hours of the night had been 
spent, by the two armies in marshaling of battalions and 
maneuvering of corps and divisions, getting into position for 
the mighty combat of the coming day. But, when morning 
dawned, both armies hesitated, as if unwilling to begin the task 
of bloodshed. They remained inactive, except for a stray shot 
here and there, until nearly four o clock in the afternoon. 

The fighting on this second day was chiefly confined to the 
two extremes, the centers remaining comparatively inactive. 
Longstreet commanded the Confederate right, and opposite 
him on the Union left was General Daniel E. Sickles. The 
Confederate left wing, under Ewell, was opposite Slocum and 
the Union right stationed on Gulp s Hill. 

The plan of General Meade had been to have the corps 
commanded by General Sickles connect with that of Hancock 
and extend southward near the base of the Round Tops. 



The lives laid down by the blue-clad soldiers in the first day s fighting made possible the ultimate victory at Gettysburg. The stubborn 
resistance of Buford s cavalry and of the First and Eleventh Corps checked the Confederate advance for an entire day. The delay was 
priceless; it enabled Meade to concentrate his army upon the heights to the south of Gettysburg, a position which proved impregnable. 
To a Pennsylvanian, General John F. Reynolds, falls the credit of the determined stand that was made that day. Commanding the 
advance of the army, he promptly went to Buford s support, bringing up his infantry and artillery to hold back the Confederates. 


At the edge of these woods 
General Reynolds was killed by a 
Confederate sharpshooter in the 
first vigorous contest of the day. 
The woods lay between the two 
roads upon which the Confeder 
ates were advancing from the 
west, and General Doubleday (in 
command of the First Corps) was 
ordered to take the position so 
that the columns of the foe could 
be enfiladed by the infantry, while 
contending with the artillery 
posted on both roads. The Iron 

Brigade under General Meredith 
was ordered to hold the ground 
at all hazards. As they charged, 
the troops shouted: "If we can t 
hold it, where will you find the 
men who can?" On they swept, 
capturing General Archer and 
many of his Confederate brigade 
that had entered the woods from 
the other side. As Archer passed 
to the rear, Doubleday, who had 
been his classmate at West Point, 
greeted him with "Good morn 
ing! I m glad to see you!" 



Sickles found this ground low and disadvantageous as a fight 
ing-place. In his front he saw the high ground along the ridge 
on the side of which the peach orchard was situated, and ad 
vanced his men to this position, placing them along the Em- 
mitsburg road, and back toward the Trostle farm and the 
.wheat-field, thus forming an angle at the peach orchard. The 
left flank of Hancock s line now rested far behind the right 
flank of Sickles forces. The Third- Corps was alone in its po 
sition in advance of the Federal line. The Confederate troops 
later marched along Sickles front so that Longstreet s corps 
overlapped the left wing of the Union army. The Northern 
ers grimly watched the bristling cannon and the files of men 
that faced them across the valley, as they waited for the battle 
to commence. 

The boom of cannon from Longstreet s batteries an 
nounced the beginning of the second day s battle. Lee had or 
dered Longstreet to attack Sickles in full force. The fire was 
quickly answered by the Union troops, and before long the 
fight extended from the peach orchard through the wheat- 
field and along the whole line to the base of Little Round Top. 
The musketry commenced with stray volleys here and there- 
then more and faster, until there w r as one continuous roar, and 
no -ear could distinguish one shot from another. Longstreet 
swept forward in a magnificent line of battle, a mile and a half 
long. He pressed back the Union infantry, and was seriously 
threatening the artillery. 

At the extreme left, close to the Trostle house, Captain 
John Bigelow commanded the Ninth Battery, Massachusetts 
Light Artillery. He was ordered to hold his position at all 
hazards until reenforced. With double charges of grape and 
canister, again and again he tore great gaps in the advancing 
line, but it re-formed and pressed onward until the men in gray 
reached the muzzles of the Federal guns. Again Bigelow 
fired, but the heroic band had at last to give way to the in 
creased numbers of the attack, which finally resulted in a hand- 



All the way from McPherson s Woods back to Cemetery Hill lay the Federal soldiers, who had contested every foot of that retreat until 
nightfall. The Confederates were massing so rapidly from the west and north that there was scant time to bring off the wounded and 
none for attention to the dead. There on the field lay the shoes so much needed by the Confederates, and the grim task of gathering 
them began. The dead were stripped of arms, ammunition, caps, and accoutrements as well in fact, of everything that would be of 
the slightest use in enabling Lee s poorly equipped army to continue the internecine strife. It was one of war s awful expedients. 


Along this road the Federals re 
treated toward Cemetery Hill in 
the late afternoon of July 1st. 
The success of McPherson s 
Woods was but temporary, for 
the Confederates under Hill were 
coming up in overpowering num 
bers, and now E well s forces ap 
peared from the north. The 
First Corps, under Doubleday, 
" broken and defeated but not 
(dismayed," fell back, pausing 
now and again to fire a volley at 

the pursuing Confederates. It 
finally joined the Eleventh Corps, 
which had also been driven back 
to Cemetery Hill. Lee was on the 
field in time to watch the retreat 
of the Federals, and advised 
Ewell to follow them up, but 
Ewell (who had lost 3,000 men) 
decided upon discretion. Night 
fell with the beaten Federals, 
reenforced by the Twelfth Corps 
and part of the Third, facing 
nearly the whole of Lee s army. 

* $ 



to-hand struggle with a Mississippi regiment. Bigelow was 
wounded, and twenty-eight of his hundred and four men were 
left on the bloody field, while he lost sixty-five out of eighty- 
eight horses, and four of six guns. Such was one of many 
deeds of heroism enacted at Gettysburg. 

But the most desperate struggle of the day was the fight 
for the possession of Little Round Top. Just before the ac 
tion began General Meade sent his chief engineer, General G. 
K. Warren, to examine conditions on the Union left. The 
battle was raging in the peach orchard when he came to Little 
Round Top. It was unoccupied at the time, and Warren 
quickly saw the great importance of preventing its occupation 
by the Confederates, for the hill was the key to the whole bat 
tle-ground west and south of Cemetery Ridge. Before long, 
the engineer saw Hood s division of Longstreet s corps moving 
steadily toward the hill, evidently determined to occupy it. 
Had Hood succeeded, the result would have been most dis 
astrous to the Union army, for the Confederates could then 
have subjected the entire Union lines on the western edge of 
Cemetery Ridge to an enfilading fire. Warren and a signal 
officer seized flags and waved them, to deceive the Confeder 
ates as to the occupation of the height. Sykes corps, marching 
to the support of the left, soon came along, and Warren, dash 
ing down the side of the hill to meet it, caused the brigade 
under Colonel Vincent and a part of that under General Weed 
to be detached, and these occupied the coveted position. Haz- 
lett s battery was dragged by hand up the rugged slope and 
planted on the summit. 

Meantime Hood s forces had come up the hill, and were 
striving at the very summit ; and now occurred one of the most 
desperate hand-to-hand conflicts of the war in which men 
forgot that they were human and tore at each other like wild 
beasts. The opposing forces, not having time to reload, 
charged each other with bayonets men assaulted each other 
with clubbed muskets the Blue and the Gray grappled in 


Upon this wide, steep hill, about five hundred yards due west of Little Round Top and one hundred feet 
lower, was a chasm named by the country folk "the Devil s Den." When the position fell into the hands 
of the Confederates at the end of the second day s fighting, it became the stronghold of their sharpshooters, 
and well did it fulfill its name. It was a most dangerous post to occupy, since the Federal batteries on 
the Round Top were constantly shelling it in an effort to dislodge the hardy riflemen, many of whom met 
the fate of the one in the picture. Their deadly work continued, however, and many a gallant officer of 
the Federals was picked off during the fighting on the afternoon of the second day. General Vincent was 
one of the first victims ; General Weed fell likewise ; and as Lieutenant Hazlett bent over him to catch his 
last words, a bullet through the head prostrated that officer lifeless on the body of his chief. 




mortal combat and fell dead, side by side. The privates in the 
front ranks fought their way onward until they fell, the of 
ficers sprang forward, seized the muskets from the hands of 
the dying and the dead, and continued the combat. The furi 
ous struggle continued for half an hour, when Hood s forces 
gave way and were pressed down the hillside. But they ral 
lied and advanced again by way of a ravine on the left, and 
finally, after a most valiant charge, were driven back at the 
point of the bayonet. 

Little Round Top was saved to the Union army, but the 
cost was appalling. The hill was covered with hundreds of the 
slain. Scores of the Confederate sharpshooters had taken posi 
tion among the crevasses in the Devil s Den, where they could 
overlook the position on Little Round Top, and their unerring 
aim spread death among the Federal officers and gunners. 
Colonel O Rourke and General Vincent were dead. General 
Weed was dying; and, as Hazlett was stooping to receive 
Weed s last message, a sharpshooter s bullet laid him dead 
across the body of his chief. 

During this attack, and for some hours thereafter, the bat 
tle continued in the valley below on a grander scale and with 
demon-like fury. Here many thousands were engaged. Sick 
les whole line was pressed back to the base of the hill from 
which it had advanced in the morning. Sickles leg was shat 
tered by a shell, necessitating amputation, while scores of his 
brave officers, and thousands of his men, lay on the field of bat 
tle when the struggle ceased at nightfall. This valley has been 
appropriately named the " Valley of Death." 

Before the close of this main part of the second day s bat 
tle, there was another clash of arms, fierce but of short dura 
tion, at the other extreme of the line. Lee had ordered Ewell 
to attack Cemetery Hill and Gulp s Hill on the north, held 
by Slocum, who had been weakened by the sending of a large 
portion of the Twelfth Corps to the assistance of the left wing. 
Ewell had three divisions, two of which were commanded by 


Little Round Top, the key to the Federal left at Gettysburg, which they all but lost on the second day 
was the scene of hand-to-hand fighting rarely equaled since long-range weapons were invented. Twice 
the Confederates in fierce conflict fought their way near to this summit, but were repulsed. Had they 
gained it, they could have planted artillery which would have enfiladed the left of Meade s line, and 
Gettysburg might have been turned into an overwhelming defeat. Beginning at the right, the Federal 
line stretched in the form of a fish-hook, with the barb resting on Gulp s Hill, the center at the bend in the 
hook on Cemetery Hill, and the left (consisting of General Sickles Third Corps) forming the shank to the 
southward as far as Round Top. On his ow y n responsibility Sickles had advanced a portion of his line, 
leaving Little Round Top unprotected. Upon this advanced line of Sickles, at the Peach Orchard on the 
Emmitsburg road, the Confederates fell in an effort to turn what they supposed to be Meade s left flank. 
Only the promptness of General Warren, who discovered the gap and remedied it in time, saved the key. 

rttgstmrg $ 

$ * 


Generals Early and Johnson. It was nearly sunset when he 
sent Early to attack Cemetery Hill. Early was repulsed 
after an hour s bloody and desperate hand-to-hand fight, in 
which muskets and bayonets, rammers, clubs, and stones were 
used. Johnson s attack on Gulp s Hill was more successful. 
After a severe struggle of two or three hours General Greene, 
who alone of the Twelfth Corps remained on the right, suc 
ceeded, after reenforcement, in driving the right of Johnson s 
division away from its entrenchments, but the left had no diffi 
culty in taking possession of the abandoned works of Geary 
and Ruger, now gone to Round Top and Rock Creek to assist 
the left wing. 

Thus closed the second day s battle at Gettysburg. The 
harvest of death had been frightful. The Union loss during 
the two days had exceeded twenty thousand men; the Confed 
erate loss was nearly equal. The Confederate army had gained 
an apparent advantage in penetrating the Union breastworks 
on Gulp s Hill. But the Union lines, except on Gulp s Hill, 
were unbroken. On the night of July 2d, Lee and his gen 
erals held a council of war and decided to make a grand final 
assault on Meade s center the following day. Against this de 
cision Longstreet protested in vain. His counsel was that Lee 
withdraw to the mountains, compel Meade to follow, and then 
turn and attack him. But Lee was encouraged by the arrival 
of Pickett s division and of Stuart s cavalry, and Longstreet s 
objections were overruled. Meade and his corps commanders 
had met and made a like decision that there should be a fight 
to the death at Gettysburg. 

That night a brilliant July moon shed its luster upon the 
ghastly field on which thousands of men lay, unable to rise. 
Many of them no longer needed help. Their last battle was 
over, and their spirits had fled to the great Beyond. But there 
were great numbers, torn and gashed with shot and shell, who 
were still alive and calling for water or for the kindly touch of 
a helping hand. Nor did they call wholly in vain. Here and 




Near this gate to the local cemetery of Gettysburg there stood during the battle this sign: "All persons found using firearms in these 
grounds will be prosecuted with the utmost rigor of the law." Many a soldier must have smiled grimly at these words, for this gate 
way became the key of the Federal line, the very center of the crudest use of firearms yet seen on this continent. On the first day 
Reynolds saw the value of Cemetery Hill in case of a retreat. Howard posted his reserves here, and Hancock greatly strengthened 
the position. One hundred and fifty Confederate guns were turned against it that last afternoon. In five minutes every man of 
the Federals had been forced to cover; for an hour and a half the shells fell fast, dealing "death and laying waste the summer verdure 
in the little graveyard. Up to the very guns of the Federals on Cemetery Hill, Pickett led his devoted troops. At night of the 3d 
it was one vast slaughter-field. On this eminence, where thousands were buried, was dedicated the soldiers National Cemetery. 



there in the moonlight little rescuing parties were seeking out 
whom they might succor. They carried many to the impro 
vised hospitals, where the surgeons worked unceasingly and 
heroically, and many lives were saved. 

All through the night the Confederates were massing ar 
tillery along the crest of Seminary Ridge. The sound horses 
were carefully fed and watered, while those killed or disabled 
were replaced by others. The ammunition was replenished and 
the guns were placed in favorable positions and made ready 
for their work of destruction. 

On the other side, the Federals were diligently laboring 
in the moonlight, and ere the coming of the day they had 
planted batteries on the brow of the hill above the town as 
far as Little Round Top. The coming of the morning re 
vealed the two parallel lines of cannon, a mile apart, which sig 
nified only too well the story of what the day would bring 

The people of Gettysburg, which lay almost between the 
armies, were awakened on that fateful morning July 3, 1863 
by the roar of artillery from Gulp s Hill, around the bend 
toward Rock Creek. This knoll in the woods had, as we have 
seen, been taken by Johnson s men the night before. When 
Geary and Ruger returned and found their entrenchments oc 
cupied by the Confederates they determined to recapture them 
in the morning, and began firing their guns at daybreak. 
Seven hours of fierce bombardment and daring charges were 
required to regain them. Every rod of space was disputed at 
the cost of many a brave man s life. At eleven o clock this por 
tion of the Twelfth Corps was again in its old position. 

But the most desperate onset of the three days battle was 
yet to come Pickett s charge on Cemetery Ridge preceded 
by the heaviest cannonading ever heard on the American con 

With the exception of the contest at Culp s Hill and a 
cavalry fight east of Rock Creek, the forenoon of July 3d 

The Now-or-never Charge of Pickett s 
Men. When the Confederate artillery 
opened at one o clock on the afternoon of 
July 3d, Meade and his staff were driven 
from their headquarters on Cemetery Ridge. 
Nothing could live exposed on that hill 
side, swept by cannon that were being 
worked as fast as human hands could work 
them. It was the beginning of Lee s last 
effort to wrest victory from the odds that 
were against him. Longstreet, on the 
morning of the 3d, had earnestly advised 
against renewing the battle against the 
Gettysburg heights. But Lee saw that in 
this moment the fate of the South hung in 
the balance; that if the Army of Northern 
Virginia did not win, it would never again 
become the aggressor. Pickett s division, 

as yet not engaged, was the force Lee designated for the 
assault; every man was a Virginian, forming a veritable Tenth 
Legion in valor. Auxiliary divisions swelled the charging column 
to 15,000. In the middle of the afternoon the Federal guns ceased 
firing. The time for the charge had come. Twice Pickett 


asked of Longstreet if he should go 
forward. Longstreet merely bowed in 
answer. "Sir, I shall lead my division 
forward," said Pickett at last, and 
the heavy-hearted Longstreet bowed his 
head. As the splendid column swept out of 
the woods and across the plain the Federal 
guns reopened with redoubled fury. For a 
mile Pickett and his men kept on, facing a 
deadly greeting of round shot, canister, 
and the bullets of Hancock s resolute infan 
try. It was magnificent but every one 
of Pickett s brigade commanders went 
down and their men fell by scores and 
hundreds around them. A hundred led by 
Armistead, waving his cap on his sword- 
point, actually broke through and captured 
a battery, Armistead falling beside a gun. 

It was but for a moment. Longstreet had been right when he 
said: "There never was a body of fifteen thousand men who could 
make that attack successfully." Before the converging Federals 
the thinned ranks of Confederates drifted wearily back toward 
Seminary Ridge. Victory for the South was not to be. 




passed with only an occasional exchange of shots at irregular 
intervals. At noon there was a lull, almost a deep silence, over 
the whole field. It was the ominous calm that precedes the 
storm. At one o clock signal guns were fired on Seminary 
Ridge, and a few moments later there was a terrific outburst 
from one hundred and fifty Confederate guns, and the whole 
crest of the ridge, for two miles, was a line of flame. The scene 
was majestic beyond description. The scores of batteries were 
soon enveloped in smoke, through which the flashes of burning 
powder were incessant. 

The long line of Federal guns withheld their fire for some 
minutes, w 7 hen they burst forth, answering the thunder of 
those on the opposite hill. An eye-witness declares that the 
whole sky seemed filled with screaming shells, whose sharp ex 
plosions, as they burst in mid-air, with the hurtling of the frag 
ments, formed a running accompaniment to the deep, tremen 
dous roar of the guns. 

Many of the Confederate shots went wild, passing over 
the Union army and plowing up the earth on the other side of 
Cemetery Ridge. But others were better aimed and burst 
among the Federal batteries, in one of which twenty-seven out 
of thirty-six horses were killed in ten minutes. The Confed 
erate fire seemed to be concentrated upon one point between 
Cemetery Ridge and Little Round Top, near a clump of 
scrub oaks. Here the batteries were demolished and men and 
horses were slain by scores. The spot has been called " Bloody 

The Federal fire proved equally accurate and the destruc 
tion on Seminary Ridge was appalling. For nearly two hours 
the hills shook with the tremendous cannonading, when it grad 
ually slackened and ceased. The Union army now prepared 
for the more deadly charge of infantry which it felt was sure 
to follow. 

They had not long to wait. As the cannon smoke drifted 
away from between the lines fifteen thousand of Longstreet s 

U- <v 

The prelude to Pickett s magnificent charge was a sudden deluge 
of shells from 150 long-range Confederate guns trained upon 
Cemetery Ridge. General Meade and his staff were instantly 
driven from their headquarters (already illustrated) and within 
five minutes the concentrated artillery fire had swept every un 
sheltered position on Cemetery Ridge clear of men. In the woods, 
a mile and a half distant, Pickett and his men watched the effect 
of the bombardment, expecting the order to "Go Forward" up 
the slope (shown in the picture). The Federals had instantly 
opened with their eighty available guns, and for three hours the 
most terrific artillery duel of the war was kept up. Then the 
Federal fire slackened, as though the batteries were silenced. 
The Confederates artillery ammunition also was now low. " For 
God s sake, come on!" was the word to Pickett. And at Long- 
street s reluctant nod the commander led his 14,000 Virginians 
across the plain in their tragic charge up Cemetery Ridge. 



In that historic charge was Armistead, who achieved a momentary victory and met 
a hero s death. On across the Emmitsburg road came Pickett s dauntless brigades, 
coolly closing up the fearful chasms torn in their ranks by the canister. Up to 
the fence held by Hays brigade dashed the first gray line, only to be swept into 
confusion by a cruel enfilading fire. Then the brigades of Armistead and Garnett 
moved forward, driving Hays brigade back through the batteries on the crest. 
Despite the death-dealing bolts on all sides, Pickett determined to capture the 
guns; and, at the order, Armistead, leaping the fence and waving his cap on his 
sword-point, rushed forward, followed by about a hundred of his men. Up to the 
very crest they fought the Federals back, and Armistead, shouting, " Give them the 
cold steel, boys! " seized one of the guns. For a moment the Confederate flag waved 
triumphantly over the Federal battery. For a brief interval the fight raged fiercely 
at close quarters. Armistead was shot down beside the gun he had taken, and his 
men were driven back. Pickett, as he looked around the top of the ridge he had 
gained, could see his men fighting all about with clubbed muskets and even flag- 
staffs against the troops that were rushing in upon them from all sides. Flesh and 
blood could not hold the heights against such terrible odds, and with a heart full of 
anguish Pickett ordered a retreat. The despairing Longstreet, watching from 
Seminary Ridge, saw through the smoke the shattered remnants drift sullenly 
down the slope and knew that Pickett s glorious but costly charge was ended. 


corps emerged in grand columns from the wooded crest of 
Seminary Ridge under the command of General Pickett on 
the right and General Pettigrew on the left. Longstreet had 
planned the attack with a view to passing around Round Top, 
and gaining it by flank and reverse attack, but Lee, when he 
came upon the scene a few moments after the final orders had 
been given, directed the advance to be made straight toward 
the Federal main position on Cemetery Ridge. 

The charge was one of the most daring in warfare. The 
distance to the Federal lines was a mile. For half the distance 
the troops marched gayly, with flying banners and glittering 
bayonets. Then came the burst of Federal cannon, and the 
Confederate ranks were torn with exploding shells. Petti- 
grew s columns began to waver, but the lines re-formed and 
marched on. When they came within musket-range, Hancock s 
infantry opened a terrific fire, but the valiant band only quick 
ened its pace and returned the fire with volley after volley. 
Pettigrew s troops succumbed to the storm. For now the lines 
in blue were fast converging. Federal troops from all parts 
of the line now rushed to the aid of those in front of Pickett. 
The batteries which had been sending shell and solid shot 
changed their ammunition, and double charges of grape and 
canister were hurled into the column as it bravely pressed into 
the sea of flame. The Confederates came close to the Federal 
lines and paused to close their ranks. Each moment the fury 
of the storm from the Federal guns increased. 

" Forward," again rang the command along the line of 
the Confederate front, and the Southerners dashed on. The 
first line of the Federals was driven back. A stone wall be 
hind them gave protection to the next Federal force. Pickett s 
men rushed upon it. Riflemen rose from behind and hurled a 
death-dealing volley into the Confederate ranks. A defiant 
cheer answered the volley, and the Southerners placed their 
battle-flags on the ramparts. General Armistead grasped the 
flag from the hand of a falling bearer, and leaped upon the 



Headquarters of Brigadier-General Alexander S. Webb. It devolved upon the man pictured here (booted 
and in full uniform, before his headquarters tent to the left of the picture) to meet the shock of Pickett s 
great charge. With four Pennsylvania regiments (the Sixty-Ninth, Seventy-First, Seventy-Second, and 
One Hundred and Sixth) of Hancock s Second Corps, Webb was equal to the emergency. Stirred to great 
deeds by the example of a patriotic ancestry, he felt that upon his holding his position depended the out 
come of the day. His front had been the focus of the Confederate artillery fire. Batteries to right and 
left of his line were practically silenced. Young Lieutenant Gushing, mortally wounded, fired the last 
serviceable gun and fell dead as Pickett s men came on. Cowan s First New York Battery on the left of 
Cushing s used canister on the assailants at less than ten yards. Webb at the head of the Seventy-Second 
Pennsylvania fought back the on-rush, posting a line of slightly wounded in his rear. Webb himself fell 
wounded but his command checked the assault till Hall s brilliant charge turned the tide at this point. 

wall, waving it in triumph. Almost instantly he fell among 
the Federal troops, mortally wounded. General Garnett, lead 
ing his brigade, fell dead close to the Federal line. General 
Kemper sank, wounded, into the arms of one of his men. 

Pickett had entered a death-trap. Troops from all direc 
tions rushed upon him. Clubbed muskets and barrel-staves now 
became weapons of warfare. The Confederates began surren 
dering in masses and Pickett ordered a retreat. Yet the energy 
of the indomitable Confederates was not spent. Several sup 
porting brigades moved forward, and only succumbed when 
they encountered two regiments of Stannard s Vermont bri 
gade, and the fire of fresh batteries. 

As the remnant of the gallant division returned to the 
works on Seminary Ridge General Lee rode out to meet them. 
His demeanor was calm. His features gave no evidence of his 
disappointment. With hat in hand he greeted the men sym 
pathetically. " It was all my fault," he said. " Now help me 
to save that which remains." 

The battle of Gettysburg was over. The cost in men was 
frightful. The losses of the two armies reached fifty thousand, 
about half on either side. More than seven thousand men had 
fallen dead on the field of battle. 

The tide could rise no higher ; from this point the ebb must 
begin. Not only here, but in the West the Southern cause 
took a . downward turn ; for at this very hour of Pickett s 
charge, Grant and Pemberton, a thousand miles away, stood 
under an oak tree on the heights above the Mississippi and ar- 
ranged for the surrender of Vicksburg. 

Lee could do nothing but lead his army back to Virginia. 
The Federals pursued but feebly. The Union victory was not 
a very decisive one, but, supported as it was by the fall of Vicks 
burg, the moral effect on the nation and on the world was 
great. The period of uncertainty was ended. It required but 
little prophetic vision to foresee that the Republic would sur 
vive the dreadful shock of arms. 


The beau sabreur of the Federal service is pictured here in his favorite velvet suit, with General Alfred Pleason- 
ton, who commanded the cavalry at Gettysburg. This photograph was taken at Warrenton, Va., three 
months after that battle. At the time this picture was taken, Custer was a brigadier-general in command 
of the second brigade of the third division of General Pleasonton s cavalry. General Custer s impetuosity 
finally cost him his own life and the lives of his entire command at the hands of the Sioux Indians June 
25, 1876. Custer was born in 1839 and graduated at West Point in 1861. As captain of volunteers he 
served with McClellan 011 the Peninsula. In June, 1863, he was made brigadier-general of volunteers and 
as the head of a brigade of cavalry distinguished himself at Gettysburg. Later he served with Sheridan in 
the Shenandoah, won honor at Cedar Creek, and was brevetted major-general of volunteers on October 19, 
1864. Under Sheridan he participated in the battles of Five Forks, Dinwiddie Court House, and other 
important cavalry engagements of Grant s last campaign. 



Searching all history for a parallel, it is impossible to find any defenses of a beleaguered city that stood so 
severe a bombardment as did this bravely defended and never conquered fortress of Sumter, in Charleston 
Harbor. It is estimated that about eighty thousand projectiles were discharged from the fleet and the 
marsh batteries, and yet Charleston, with its battered water-front, was not abandoned until all other Con 
federate positions along the Atlantic Coast were in Federal hands and Sherman s triumphant army was 
sweeping in from the West and South. The picture shows Sumter from the Confederate Fort Johnson. 
The powerful batteries in the foreground played havoc with the Federal fleet whenever it came down the 
main ship-channel to engage the forts. Protected by almost impassable swamps, morasses, and a network 
of creeks to the eastward, Fort Johnson held an almost impregnable position; and from its protection by 
Cummings Point, on which was Battery Gregg, the Federal fleet could not approach nearer than two miles. 
Could it have been taken by land assault or reduced by gun-fire, Charleston would have fallen. 

These views show the re 
sult of the bombardment 
from August 17 to 23, 
1863. The object was to 
force the surrender of the 
fort and thus effect an 
entrance into Charleston. 
The report of Colonel 
John \V. Turner, Federal 
chief of artillery runs: 
" The fire from the breach 
ing batteries upon Sumter 
was incessant, and kept 
up continuously from day 
light till dark, until the 
evening of the 23d. . . . 
The fire upon the gorge 
had, by the morning of the 
23d, succeeded in destroy 
ing every gun upon the 
parapet of it. The para 

pet and ramparts of the 
gorge were completely 
demolished for nearly the 
entire length of the face, 
and in places everything 
was swept off down to the 
arches, the debris forming 
an accessible ramp to the 
top of the ruins. Nothing 
further being gained by a 
longer fire upon this face, 
all the guns were directed 
this day upon the south 
easterly flank, and con 
tinued an incessant fire 
throughout the day. The 
demolition of the fort at 
the close of the day s firing 
was complete, so far as its 
offensive powers were con 
sidered." So fared Sumter. 





This 300-pounder rifle was directed against Fort Sumter and Battery Wagner. The length of bore of the gun before it burst was 
13G inches. It weighed 26,000 pounds. It fired a projectile weighing 250 pounds, with a maximum charge of powder of 25 pounds. 
The gun was fractured at the twenty-seventh round by a shell bursting in the muzzle, blowing off about 20 inches of the barrel. 
After the bursting the gun was "chipped" back beyond the termination of the fracture and afterwards fired 371 rounds with as 
good results as before the injury. At the end of that time the muzzle began to crack again, rendering the gun entirely useless. 


Battery Stevens lay just east of Battery Strong. It was begun July 27, 1863. Most of the work was done at night, for the fire 
from the adjacent Confederate forts rendered work in daylight dangerous. By August 17th, most of the guns were in position, 
and two days later the whole series of batteries "on the left," as they were designated, were pounding away at Fort Sumter. 


So long as the Confederate flag flew over the ramparts of Sumter, 
Charleston remained the one stronghold of the South that was 
firmly held. That flag was never struck. It was lowered for an 
evacuation, not a surrender. The story of Charleston s deter 
mined resistance did not end in triumph for the South, but it did 
leave behind it a sunset glory, in which the valor and dash of the 
Federal attack is paralleled by the heroism and self-sacrifice of 
the Confederate defense, in spite of wreck and ruin. 

The lower picture was taken 
after the war, when relic-hunt 
ers had removed the shells, 
and a beacon light had been 
erected where once stood the 
parapet. On September 8, 
1863, at the very position in 
these photographs, the garrison 
repelled a bold assault with 
musketry fire alone, causing 
the Federals severe loss. The 
flag of the Confederacy floated 
triumphantly over the position 
during the whole of the long- 
struggle. Every effort of the 
Federals to reduce the crumb 
ling ruins into submission was 
unavailing. It stood the con 
tinual bombardment of iron 
clads until it was nothing but 
a mass of brickdust, but still 
the gallant garrison held it. 

SEPTEMBER 8, 1863 

It is strange that despite the 
awful destruction the loss of 
lives within the fort was few. 
For weeks the bombardment, 
assisted by the guns of the 
fleet, tore great chasms in the 
parapet. Fort Sumter never 
fell, but was abandoned only 
on the approach of Sherman s 
army. It had withstood con 
tinuous efforts against it for 
587 days. From April, 1863, 
to September of the same year, 
the fortress was garrisoned by 
the First South Carolina Artil 
lery, enlisted as regulars. After 
ward the garrison was made up 
of detachments of infantry from 
Georgia, North Carolina, and 
South Carolina. Artillerists 
also served turns of duty dur 
ing this period. 


In its dimensions and its murderousness the battle of Chickamauga 
was the greatest battle fought by our Western armies, and one of the 
greatest of modern times. In our Civil War it was exceeded only by 
Gettysburg and the Wilderness ; in European history we may compare 
with it such battle s as Neerwinden, or Malplaquet, or Waterloo. John 
Fiske in "The Mississippi Valley in the Civil War." 

fin HE town of Chattanooga, Tennessee, lies in a great bend 
JL of the Tennessee River and within a vast amphitheater 
of mountains, ranging in a general southwesterly direction, 
and traversed at intervals by great depressions or valleys. 
These passes form a natural gateway from the mid-Mississippi 
valley to the seaboard States. To dislodge the Confederate 
army under General Bragg from this natural fortress would 
remove the last barrier to the invading Federals, and permit an 
easy entry upon the plains of Georgia. The importance of 
this position was readily apparent to the Confederate Govern 
ment, and any approach by the Federal forces toward this 
point was almost certain to be met by stubborn resistance. 

Rosecrans forward movement from Murfreesboro, in the 
early summer of 1863, forced Bragg over the Cumberland 
Mountains and across the Tennessee. The Confederate leader 
destroyed the railroad bridge at Bridgeport and entrenched 
himself in and around Chattanooga. The three Federal corps 
under Crittenden, Thomas and McCook crossed the Tennessee 
without meeting resistance, and began to endanger Bragg s 
lines of communication. But on September 8th, before their 
moves had been accomplished, Bragg abandoned his stronghold. 

. i, 

Ijtrkamauga VUudfeat 0I0nflirt in 

Crittenden the next day marched around the north end of 
Lookout and entered the town, while Hazen and Wagner 
crossed over from the opposite bank of the Tennessee. 

Rosecrans believed that Bragg was in full retreat toward 
Rome, Georgia, and Crittenden, leaving one brigade in Chat 
tanooga, was ordered to pursue. Bragg encouraged his ad 
versary in the belief that he was avoiding an engagement 
and sent spies as deserters into the Federal ranks to narrate 
the details of his flight. M can while, he was concentrating at 

Lafayette, about twenty-five miles south of Chattanooga. \ 

7 * ^""^-O 

Hither General S. B. Buckner, entirely too weak to cope 
with Burnside s heavy column approaching from Kentucky, 
brought his troops from Knoxville. Breckinridge and two 
brigades arrived from Mississippi, while twelve thousand of 
Lee s veterans, under Lee s most trusted and illustrious lieu 
tenant, Longstreet, were hastening from Virginia to add their 
numbers to Bragg s Army of Tennessee. 

The three corps of the Union army, as we have seen, were 
now separated over a wide extent of territory by intervening 
ridges, so intent was Rosecrans on intercepting the vanished 
Bragg. But the latter, by no means vanished, and with his 
face toward Chattanooga, considered the position of his an 
tagonist and discovered his own army almost opposite the 
Federal center. Crittenden was advancing toward Ringgold, 
and the remoteness of Thomas corps on his right precluded 
any immediate union of the Federal forces. 

Bragg w r as quick to grasp the opportunity made by Rose 
crans division of the army in the face of his opponent. He 
at once perceived the possibilities of a master-stroke; to crush 
Thomas advanced divisions with an overwhelming force. 

The attempt failed, owing to a delay in the attack, which 
permitted the endangered Baird and Negley to fall back. 
Bragg then resolved to throw himself upon Crittenden, who 
had divided his corps. Polk was ordered to advance upon that 
portion of it at Lee and Gordon s Mills, but when Bragg came 


Major-General Braxton Bragg, C.S.A. Born, 1815; West Point, 1837; 
Died, 1876. Bragg s name before 1861 was perhaps better known in mili 
tary annals than that of any other Southern leader because of his brilliant 
record in the Mexican War. In the Civil War he distinguished himself 
first at Shiloh and by meritorious services thereafter. But his delays ren 
dered him scarcely a match for Rosecrans, to say nothing of Grant and 
Sherman. Flanked out of two strong positions, he missed the opportunity 
presented by Rosecrans widely separated forces and failed to crush the 
Army of the Cumberland in detail, as it advanced to the battle of Chick- 
amauga. The error cost the Confederates the loss of Tennessee, eventually. 


(fi ijtrkamauga; 

(Ennfltrt in tty Heat * 

to the front September 13th, expecting to witness the anni 
hilation of the Twenty-first Corps, he found to his bitter dis 
appointment that the bishop-general had made no move and 
that Crittenden had reunited his divisions and was safe on the 
west bank of the Chickamauga. Thus his splendid chances of 
breaking up the Army of the Cumberland were ruined. 

When Bragg s position became known to Rosecrans, 
great was his haste to effect the concentration of his army. 
Couriers dashed toward Alpine with orders for McCook to 
join Thomas with the utmost celerity. The former started at 
once, shortly after midnight on the 13th, in response to 
Thomas s urgent call. It was a real race of life and death, 
attended by the greatest hardships. Ignorant of the roads, 
McCook submitted his troops to a most exhausting march, 
twice up and down the mountain, fifty-seven miles of the most 
arduous toil, often dragging artillery up by hand and letting 
it down steep declines by means of ropes. But he closed up 
with Thomas on the 17th, and the Army of the Cumberland 
was saved from its desperate peril. 

Crittenden s corps now took position at Lee and Gordon s 
Mills on the left bank of Chickamauga Creek, and the Federal 
troops were all within supporting distance. In the Indian 
tongue Chickamauga means " The River of Death," a name 
strangely prophetic of that gigantic conflict soon to be waged 
by these hostile forces throughout this beautiful and heretofore 
peaceful valley. 

The Confederate army, its corps under Generals Polk, D. 
H. Hill, and Buckner, was stationed on the east side of the 
stream, its right wing below Lee and Gordon s Mills, and the 
left extending up the creek toward Lafayette. On the Federal 
side Thomas was moved to the left, with Crittenden in the cen 
ter and McCook on the right. Their strength has been esti 
mated at fifty-five to sixty-nine thousand men. On the 18th, 
Long-street s troops were arriving from Virginia, and by the 
morning of the 19th the greater part of the Confederate army 


Major-General George Henry Thomas, Virginia-born soldier loyal to the L nion; commended for gallantry in the Seminole War, and 
for service in Mexico; won the battle of Mill Spring, January 19, 1862; commanded the right wing of the Army of the Tennessee 
against Corinth and at Perryville, and the center at Stone s River. Only his stability averted overwhelming defeat for the Federals 
at Chickamauga. At Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge he was a host in himself. After Sherman had taken Atlanta he sent 
Thomas back to Tennessee to grapple with Hood. How he crushed Hood by his sledge-hammer blows is told in the story of "Nash 
ville." Thomas, sitting down in Nashville, bearing the brunt of Grant s impatience, and ignoring completely the proddings from Wash 
ington to advance before he was ready, while he waited grimly for the psychological moment to strike the oncoming Confederate host 
under Hood, is one of the really big dramatic figures of the entire war. It has been well said of Thomas that every promotion he re 
ceived was a reward of merit; and that during his long and varied career as a soldier no crisis ever arose too great for his ability. 

ijtrkmnauga ]Bi00ito0t Cnnfltrt tn % Wt&t 



had crossed the Chickamauga. The two mighty armies were 
now face to face, and none could doubt that the impending 
struggle would be attended by frightful loss to both sides. 

It was Bragg s intention to send Polk, commanding the 
right wing, in a flanking movement against the Federal left 
under Thomas, and thus intervene between it and Chattanooga. 
The first encounter, at 10 o clock in the morning of the 19th, 
resulted in a Confederate repulse, but fresh divisions were con 
stantly pushed forward under the deadly fire of the Federal 
artillery. The Federals were gradually forced back by the in 
cessant charge of the Confederates; but assailed and assailant 
fought with such great courage and determination that any 
decided advantage was withheld from either] Meanwhile, the 
Federal right was hard pressed by Hood, commanding Long- 
street s corps, and a desperate battle ensued along the entire 
line. It seemed, however, more like a struggle between sepa 
rate divisions than the clash of two great armies. When night 
descended the Federals had been forced back from the creek, 
but the result had been indecisive. 

Disaster to the Union army had been averted by the use 
of powerful artillery when the infantry seemed unable to with 
stand the onslaught. Rosecrans had assumed the defensive, 
and his troops had so far receded as to enable the Confederates 
to form their lines on all the territory fought over on that 
day. During the night preparations were made in both camps 
for a renewal of the battle on the following morning, which 
was Sunday. A fresh disposition of the troops was made by 
both leaders. | Near midnight General Longstreet arrived on 
the field, and was at once placed in command of the Confed 
erate left, Polk retaining the right. Not all of Longstreet s 
troops arrived in time for the battle, but Bragg s force has been 
estimated at fifty-one to seventy-one thousand strong. 

Thomas was given command of the Union left, with Mc- 
Cook at his right, while Crittenden s forces occupied the center, 
but to the rear of both Thomas and McCook. Thomas had 



Rarely does the camera afford such a perfectly contemporaneous record of the march of events so momentous. 
This photograph s-liows the hotel at Stevenson, Alabama, during the Union advance that ended in Chicka- 
mauga. Sentinels are parading the street in front of the hotel, several horses are tied to the hotel posts, and 
the officers evidently have gone into the hotel headquarters. General Alexander McDowell McCook, com 
manding the old Twentieth Army Corps, took possession of the hotel as temporary headquarters on the 
movement of the Army of the Cumberland from Tullahoma. On August 29, 1863, between Stevenson and 
Caperton s Ferry, on the Tennessee River, McCook gathered his boats and pontoons, hidden under the dense 
foliage of overhanging trees, and when ready for his crossing suddenly launched them into and across the 
river. Thence the troops marched over Sand Mountain and at length into Lookout Valley. During the 
movements the army was in extreme peril, for McCook was at one time three days march from Thomas, so 
that Bragg might have annihilated the divisions in detail. Finally the scattered corps were concentrated 
along Chickamauga Creek, where the bloody struggle of September 19th and 20th was so bravely fought. 

H00Jto0t Qlnnfltrt in 

spent the night in throwing up breastworks on the brow of 
Snodgrass Hill, as it was anticipated that the Confederates 
would concentrate their attack upon his position. 

Hostilities began with a general movement of the Confed 
erate right wing in an attempt to flank the Union left. Gen 
eral Bragg had ordered Polk to begin the attack at daybreak, 
but it was nearly ten o clock in the morning before Breckin- 
ridge s division, supported by General Cleburne, advanced 
upon Thomas entrenchments. Fighting desperately, the Con 
federates did not falter under the heavy fire of the Federals, 
and it seemed as if the latter must be driven from their position. 
Rosecrans, in response to urgent requests for reenforcements, 
despatched troops again and again to the aid of Thomas, and 
the assault was finally repulsed. Cleburne s division was driven 
back with heavy loss, and Breckinridge, unable to retain any 
advantage, was forced to defend his right, which was being 
seriously menaced. ; The battle at this point had been desper- 
/ately waged, both sides exhibiting marked courage and deter 
mination. As on the previous day, the Confederates had been 
the aggressors, but the Federal troops had resisted all attempts 
to invade their breastworks. 

However, the fortunes of battle were soon to incline to the 
side of the Southern army. Bragg sent Stewart s division for 
ward, and it pressed Reynolds and Brannan s men back to 
their entrenchments. Rosecrans sent Wood word to close up 
on Reynolds. Through some misunderstanding in giving or 
interpreting this order, General Wood withdrew his division 
from its position on the right of Brannan. By this movement 
a large opening was left almost in the center of the battle-line. 
Johnson s, Hindman s, and Kershaw s divisions rushed into the 
gap and fell upon the Union right and center with an impetus 
that was irresistible. The Confederate general, Bushrod John 
son, has given us an unf orgetable picture of the thrilling event : 
The resolute and impetuous charge, the rush of our heavy 
columns sweeping out from the shadow and gloom of the forest 




This solitary observer, if he was standing here September 20, 1863, shortly before this was photographed, 
certainly gazed at the base of the hill to the left. For through the pass called Rossville Gap a column in blue was 
streaming Steedman s Division of the Reserve Corps, rushing to aid Thomas, so sore pressed atChickamauga. 
Those slopes by Chickamauga Creek witnessed the deadliest battle in the West and the highest in percent 
age of killed and wounded of the entire war. It was fought as a result of Rosecrans attempt to maneuver 
Bragg out of Chattanooga. The Federal army crossed the Tennessee River west of the city, passed through 
the mountain-ranges, and came upon Bragg s line of communications. Finding his position untenable, 
the Southern leader moved southward and fell upon the united forces of Rosecrans along Chickamauga 
Creek. The vital point in the Federal line was the left, held by Thomas. Should that give way, the army 
would be cut off from Chattanooga, with no base to fall back on. The heavy fighting of September 19th 
showed that Bragg realized the situation. Brigades and regiments were shattered. For a time, the Union 
army was driven back. But at nightfall Thomas had regained the lost ground. He re-formed during the 
night in order to protect the road leading into Chattanooga. Since the second day was foggy till the middle 
of the forenoon, the fighting was not renewed till late. About noon a break was made in the right of the Fed 
eral battle-line, into which the eager Longstreet promptly hurled his men. Colonel Dodge writes: "Every 
thing seems lost. The entire right of the army, with Rosecrans and his staff, is driven from the field in utter 
rout. But, unknown even to the commanding general, Thomas, the Rock of Chickamauga, stands there at 
bay, surrounded, facing two to one. Heedless of the wreck of one-half the army, he knows not how to yield." 

Ijtrkammtga Itenfttest OInnfltrt in % Wt&t 

into the open fields flooded with sunlight, the glitter of arms, 
the onward dash of artillery and mounted men, the retreat of 
the foe, the shouts of the hosts of our army, the dust, the smoke, 
the noise of fire-arms of whistling balls, and grape-shot, and 
of bursting shell made up a battle-scene of unsurpassed 
grandeur. Here, General Hood gave me the last order I 
received from him on the field, Go ahead and keep ahead 
of everything. A moment later, and Hood fell, severely 
wounded, with a minie ball in his thigh. 

Wood s right brigade was shattered even before it had 
cleared the opening. Sheridan s entire division, and part of 
Davis and Van Cleve s, were driven from the field. Long- 
street now gave a fine exhibition of his military genius. The 
orders of battle were to separate the two wings of the opposing 
army. But with the right wing of his opponents in hopeless 
ruin, he wheeled to the right and compelled the further with 
drawal of Federal troops in order to escape being surrounded. 
The brave soldier-poet, William H. Lytle, fell at the head of 
his brigade as he strove to re-form his line. McCook and Crit- 
teriden were unable, in spite of several gallant efforts, to rally 
their troops and keep back the onrushing heroes of Stone s 
River and Bull Run. The broken mass fled in confusion 
toward Chattanooga, carrying with it McCook, Crittenden, 
and Rosecrans. The latter telegraphed to Washington that 
his army had been beaten. In this famous charge the Con 
federates took several thousand prisoners and forty pieces of 

Flushed with victory, the Confederates now concentrated 
their attack upon Thomas, who thus far, on Horseshoe Ridge 
and its spurs, had repelled all attempts to dislodge him. The 
Confederates, with victory within their grasp, and led by the 
indomitable Longstreet, swarmed up the slopes in great 
numbers, but they were hurled back with fearful slaughter. 
Thomas was looking anxiously for Sheridan, whom, as he 
knew, Rosecrans had ordered with two brigades to his support. 



Crawfish Spring, to the South of the Chicka manga Battle-field. Rosecrans, in concentrating his troops on the 18th of September, was 
still possessed of the idea that Bragg was covering his retreat upon his railroad connections at Dalton. Instead, the Confederate com 
mander had massed his forces on the other side of Chicka mauga and was only awaiting the arrival of Longstreet to assume the aggressive. 
On the morning of the 19th, McCook s right wing at Crawfish Spring was strongly threatened by the Confederates, while the real attack 
was made against the left in an effort to turn it and cut Rosecrans off from a retreat upon Chattanooga. All day long, brigade after 
brigade was marched from the right of the Federal line in order to extend the left under Thomas and withstand this flanking movement. 
Even after nightfall, Thomas, trying to re-form his lines and carry them still farther to the left for the work of the morrow, brought on a 
sharp conflict in the darkness. The Confederates had been held back, but at heavy cost. That night, at the Widow Glenn s house, 
Rosecrans consulted his generals. The exhausted Thomas, when roused from sleep for his opinion, invariably answered, "I would 
strengthen the left." There seemed as yet to be no crisis at hand, and the council closed with a song by the debonair McCook. 



(Ennfltrt in 

But in Longstreet s rout of the right wing Sheridan, with the 
rest, had been carried on toward Chattanooga, and he found 
himself completely cut off from Thomas, as the Confederates 
were moving parallel to him. Yet the indomitable Sheridan, 
in spite of his terrible experience of the morning, did not give 
up the attempt. Foiled in his efforts to get through McFar- 
land s Gap, he moved quickly on Rossville and came down the 
Lafayette road toward Thomas left flank. 

Meanwhile, advised by the incessant roar of musketry, 
General Gordon Granger, in command of the reserve corps 
near Rossville, advanced rapidly with his fresh troops. Acting 
with promptness and alacrity under orders, Granger sent Steed- 
man to Thomas right. 

Directly across the line of Thomas right was a ridge, on 
which Longstreet stationed Hindman with a large command, 
ready for an attack on Thomas flank a further and terrible 
menace to the nearly exhausted general, but it was not all. In 
the ridge was a small gap, and through this Kershaw was pour 
ing his division, intent on getting to Thomas rear. Rosecrans 
thus describes the help afforded to Thomas: " Steedman, tak 
ing a regimental color, led the column. Swift was the charge 
and terrible the conflict, but the enemy was broken." 

The fighting grew fiercer, and at intervals was almost 
hand to hand. The casualties among the officers, who fre 
quently led their troops in person, were mounting higher and 
higher as the moments passed. All the afternoon the assaults 
continued, but the Union forces stood their ground. Ammuni 
tion ran dangerously low, but Steedman had brought a small 
supply, and when this was distributed each man had about ten 
rounds. Finally, as the sun was setting in the west, the Con 
federate troops advanced in a mighty concourse. The com 
bined forces of Kershaw, Law, Preston, and Hindman once 
more rushed forward, gained possession of their lost ridge at 
several points, but were unable to drive their attack home. 
In many places the L T nion lines stood firm and both sides 







* 3 4, W> * J 

S **" > 

; 4i CS a 

^ O 43 o 

o VM 

S ss 3 

. S I 8 

o o -; -ri 

i: s I 

S o 
a 3 


1 I 

I 60 - 

o c M a 

1:1 1| 

M *J 

l^ " 

^- 3 

o _g -M 

JS & "S 

3 I 8 .9 *s 



























































as < 


Okufltrt in life Iteat 


rested in the positions taken. The plucky Thomas was saved. 
The onslaught on the Federal left of the battlefield was one 
of the heaviest attacks made on a single point during the war. 

History records no grander spectacle than Thomas stand 
at Chickamauga. He was ever afterwards known as " The 
Rock of Chickamauga." Under the cover of darkness, 
Thomas, having received word from Rosecrans to withdraw, 
retired his army in good order to Rossville, and on the follow 
ing day rejoined Rosecrans in Chattanooga. The battle of 
Chickamauga, considering the forces engaged, was one of the 
most destructive of the Civil War. The Union army lost 
approximately sixteen thousand men, and while the loss to the 
Confederate army is not definitely known, it was probably 
nearly eighteen thousand. The personal daring and tenacious 
courage displayed in the ranks of both armies have never been 
excelled on any battlefield. The Confederate generals, Helm, 
Deshler, and Preston Smith were killed; Adams, Hood, Brown, 
Gregg, Clayton, Hindman, and McNair were wounded. The 
Federal side lost Lytl^. The battle is generally considered a 
Confederate victory, and yet, aside from the terrible loss of 
human life, no distinct advantage accrued to either ade.\ *The 
Federal army retained possession of Chattanooga,ybut^ the 
Confederates had for the time checked the Army of the Cum 
berland from a further occupation of Southern soil. 

It is a singular coincidence that the generals-in-chief of 
both armies exercised but little supervision over the movements 
of their respective troops. The brunt of the battle fell, for the 
most part, upon the commanders of the wings. To the subor 
dinate generals on each side were awarded the highest honors. 
Longstreet, because of his eventful charge, which swept the 
right wing of the Union army from the field, was proclaimed 
the victor of Chickamauga; and to General Thomas, who by 
his firmness and courage withstood the combined attack of the 
Confederate forces when disaster threatened on every side, is 
due the brightest laurels from the adherents of the North. 



Here, at his headquarters, holding the Federal line of retreat at Rossville Gap (the Confederate objective 
in the battle), General Gordon Granger heard with increasing anxiety the sounds of the conflict, three miles 
away, growing more and more ominous. Finally, in disobedience of orders, he set in motion his three brigades 
to the relief of Thomas, pushing forward two of them under Steedman. These arrived upon the field early 
in the afternoon, the most critical period of the battle, as Longstreet charged afresh on Thomas right and 
rear. Seizing a battle-flag, Steedman (at the order of General Granger) led his command in a counter 
charge which saved the Army of the Cumberland. This old house at Rossville was built by John Ross, a 
chief of the Cherokee Indians, and he lived in it till 1832, giving his name to the hamlet. Half-breed descend 
ants of the Cherokees who had intermarried with both whites and Negroes were numerous in the vicinity 
of Chickamauga, and many of them fought with their white neighbors on the Confederate side. 


AFTER CHATTANOOGA : " The Confederate lines . . . could not be 
rebuilt. The material for reconstructing them was exhausted. The blue- 
crested flood which had broken these lines was not disappearing. The 
fountains which supplied it were exhaustless. It was still coming with an 
ever increasing current, swelling higher and growing more resistless. This 
triune disaster [Vicksburg, Gettysburg, Missionary Ridge] was especially 
depressing to the people because it came like a blight upon their hopes 
which had been awakened by recent Confederate victories." General 
John B. Gordon, C. S. A., in "Reminiscences of the Civil War." 

FOLLOWING the defeat of Rosecrans army at Chick- 
amauga, in September, 1863, Bragg at once took strong 
positions on Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain. From 
these heights he was able to besiege the entire Army of the 
Cumberland in Chattanooga and obstruct the main arteries of 
supply to the Federal troops. Rosecrans was forced to aban 
don the route along the south bank of the Tennessee River, 
which led from Bridgeport, in Alabama, and to depend ex 
clusively upon a long and mountainous wagon road on the 
north side of the river for the transportation of supplies. The 
Confederate cavalry, crossing the Tennessee above Chatta 
nooga, fell upon the trains entangled in the mud of the Se- 
quatchie valley, destroying in one day three hundred wagons, 
and killing or capturing about eighteen hundred mules. 
Within a short time the wisdom of Bragg s plan became appar 
ent; famine threatened the Union army and several thousand 
horses and mules had already died from starvation. By his 
relentless vigil, the Confederate leader seemed destined to 
achieve a greater victory over his opponent than had hitherto 
attended his efforts in actual conflict. 





At this point, where Citico Creek joins the Tennessee, the left of the Eleventh Corps of the Army of the Cumberland rested on the river 
bank, the limit of the Federal line of defense, east of Chattanooga. Here, on high ground overlooking the stream, was posted Battery 
McAloon to keep the Confederates back from the river, so that timber and firewood could be rafted down to the besieged army. In the 
chill of autumn, with scanty rations, the soldiers had a hard time keeping warm, as all fuel within the lines had been consumed. The 
Army of the Cumberland was almost conquered by hardship. Grant feared that the soldiers "could not be got out of their trenches to 
assume the offensive." But it was these very men who achieved the most signal victory in the battle of Chattanooga. 

Meanwhile, a complete reorganization of the Federal 
forces in the West was effected. Under the title of the Military 
Division of the Mississippi, the Departments of the Ohio, the 
Cumberland, and the Tennessee were united with Grant as 
general commanding, and Rosecrans was replaced by Thomas 
at the head of the Army of the Cumberland. 

A hurried concentration of the Federal forces was now 
ordered by General Halleck. Hooker with fifteen thousand 
men of the Army of the Potomac came rapidly by rail to 
Bridgeport. Sherman, with a portion of his army, about 
twenty thousand strong, was summoned from Vicksburg and 
at once embarked in steamers for Memphis. General Grant 
decided to assume personal charge of the Federal forces; but 
before he reached his new command, Thomas, ably assisted 
by his chief engineer, General W. F. Smith, had begun to act 
on a plan which Rosecrans had conceived, and which proved 
in the end to be a brilliant conception. This was to seize a low 
range of hills known as Raccoon Mountain on the peninsula 
made by a bend of the river, on its south side and west of 
Chattanooga, and establish a wagon road to Kelly s Ferry, a 
point farther down the river to which supplies could be brought 
by boat from Bridgeport, and at the same time communica 
tion effected with Hooker. 

A direct line was not only secured to Bridgeport, but 
Hooker advanced with a portion of his troops into Lookout 
Valley and after a short but decisive skirmish drove the Con 
federates across Lookout Creek, leaving his forces in posses 
sion of the hills he had gained. The route was now opened 
between Bridgeport and Brown s Ferry; abundant supplies 
were at once available and the Army of the Cumberland re 
lieved of its perilous position. 

Unlike the condition which had prevailed at Chickamauga, 
reenforcements from all sides were hastening to the aid of 
Thomas army; Hooker was already on the ground; Sher 
man was advancing rapidly from Memphis, and he arrived in 


The U. S. S. Chattanooga was the first steamboat built by the Federals on the upper Tennessee River. Had 
the gunboats on the Ohio been able to come up the Tennessee River nearly three hundred miles, to the assist 
ance of Rosecrans, Bragg could never have bottled him up in Chattanooga. But between Florence and 
Decatur, Alabama, Muscle Shoals lay in the stream, making the river impassable. While Bragg s pickets in 
vested the railroad and river, supplies could not be brought up from Bridgeport; and besides, with the excep 
tion of one small steamboat (the Dunbar), the Federals had no boats on the river. General W. F. Smith, 
Chief Engineer of the Army of the Cumberland, had established a saw-mill with an old engine at Bridgeport 
for the purpose of getting out lumber from logs rafted down the river, with which to construct pontoons. 
Here Captain Arthur Edwards, Assistant Quartermaster, had been endeavoring since the siege began to 
build a steamboat consisting of a flat-bottom scow, with engine, boiler, and stern-wheel mounted upon it. 
On October 24th, after many difficulties and discouragements had been overcome, the vessel was launched 
successfully and christened the Chattanooga. On the 29th she made her trial trip. That very night, 
Hooker, in the battle of Wauhatchie, definitely established control of the new twelve-mile " Cracker Line " 
from Kelley s Ferry, which Grant had ordered for the relief of the starving army. The next day the little 
Chattanooga, with steam up, was ready to start from Bridgeport with a heavy load of the much-needed 
supplies, and her arrival was anxiously awaited at Kelley s Ferry, where the wagon-trains were all ready to 
rush forward the rations and forage to Chattanooga. The mechanics were still at work upon the little vessel s 
unfinished pilot-house and boiler-deck while she and the two barges she was to tow were being loaded, and 
at 4 A.M. on November 30th she set out to make the 45-mile journey against unfavorable head-winds. 

person on November 15th, while Burnside s forces at Knox- 
ville offered protection to the Jeft flank of the Federal army. 
The disposition of the Confederate troops at this time 
was a formidable one; the left flank rested on the northern 
end of Lookout Mountain and the line extended a distance 
of twelve miles across Chattanooga Valley to Missionary 
Ridge. This position was further strengthened by entrench 
ments throughout, the lowlands. Despite the danger which 
threatened his army from the converging Union forces, Gen 
eral Bragg determined to attack Burnside and despatched 
Longstreet with twenty thousand of his best troops to Knox- 
ville. His army materially weakened, the Confederate gen 
eral continued to hold the same extended position, although his 
combined force was smaller than had opposed Rosecrans alone 
at Chickamauga. 

On the 23d of November, after a long and fatiguing 
march over roads almost impassable by reason of continuous 
rains, Sherman crossed the Tennessee by the pontoon bridge 
at Brown s Ferry, recrossed it above Chattanooga, and was 
assigned a position to the left of the main army near the mouth 
of Chickamauga Creek. Grant had now some eighty thousand 
men, of whom sixty thousand were on the scene of the coming 
battle, and, though fearful lest Burnside should be dislodged 
from his position at Knoxville, he would not be diverted from 
his purpose of sweeping the Confederates from the front of 
Chattanooga. It had been Grant s plan to attack on the 24th, 
but information reached him that Bragg was preparing a re 
treat. He, therefore, on the 23d, ordered Thomas to advance 
upon Bragg s center. 

Preparations for the movement were made in full view 
of the Confederates ; from the appearance of the troops, clad 
in their best uniforms, the advance line of the Southern army 
was content to watch this display, in the belief that the ma 
neuvering army was parading in review. Suddenly, the peace 
ful pageant turned into a furious charge, before which the 

m /i. 



The home-made little steamboat Chattanooga was beset with difficulties and dangers on her memorable 
voyage of November 30th. She made but slow progress against the wind and the rapid current of the tor 
tuous Tennessee. Fearful of breaking a steam pipe or starting a leak, she crawled along all day, and then 
was enveloped in one of the darkest of nights, out of which a blinding rain stung the faces of her anxious crew. 
Assistant Quartermaster William G. Le Due, in command of the expedition, helped the pilot to feel his way 
through the darkness. At last the camp-fires of the Federals became guiding beacons from the shore and 
soon the Chattanooga tied up safely at Kelley s Ferry. The "Cracker Line " was at last opened in the 
nick of time, for there were but four boxes of hard bread left in the commissary at Chattanooga, where four 
cakes of hard bread and one-quarter of a pound of pork were being issued as a three-days ration. 



Confederate pickets, taken by surprise, retreated from the first 
line of earthworks, and Thomas, with little loss to either side, 
captured Orchard Knob, between Chattanooga and Missionary 
Ridge. From this point, which was almost a mile in advance 
of the position occupied during the morning, Grant directed 
the movements of his army on the following day. 

The Federal position was of less extent than that occupied 
by the Confederates. Sherman was in command of the left 
wing, while Thomas held the center, and " Fighting Joe " 
Hooker, with the Union right in Lookout Valley, threatened 
Lookout Mountain. [The plan of battle was for Sherman to 
;engage the Confederate right and sever communications be- 
ftween Bragg and Longstreet; Hooker was to carry out an 
: assault on the Southern left flank, and at the same time main 
tain connection with Bridgeport. With both wings assailed 
by a superior force, it was believed that Bragg must reenforce 
these positions and permit Thomas, with overwhelming num 
bers, to concentrate upon the center. 

On the 24th, two distinct movements were in progress. 
Sherman met with but little opposition in his initial attack 
upon the Confederate right and promptly seized and occupied 
the north end of Missionary Ridge. The Confederates, late in 
the afternoon, fought desperately to regain the hill but were 
i finally repulsed, and Sherman fortified the position he had 

gained. In the mean time, Hooker, early in the day, had be 
gun his operations against Lookout Mountain. Standing like 
ja lone sentinel above the surrounding valleys, its steep, rocky, 
and deeply furrowed slopes, rising into a high, palisaded crest, 
frowned defiance upon the advancing troops, while a well- 

* constructed line of defenses completed the imposing barrier. 

Hooker had in addition to his own troops a division 
of Sherman s army (Osterhaus 5 ) which, owing to damage to 
the pontoon bridge at Brown s Ferry, had been prevented from 
joining its own leader. As ordered by Hooker, General Geary 
took his division up the valley to Wauhatchie, crossed the creek 


At Missionary Ridge (seen in the distance in the lower picture) the Army of the Cumberland removed forever from Grant s mind any 
doubt of its fighting qualities. Grant, anxious to develop Bragg s strength, ordered Thomas, on November 23d, to demonstrate against 
the forces on his front. Moving out as if on parade, the troops under Gordon Granger drove back the Confederates and captured 
Orchard Knob (or Indian Hill) a day before it had been planned to do so. Still another surprise awaited Grant on the 25th, when from 
this eminence he watched the magnificent spectacle of the battle of Chattanooga. Thomas men again pressed forward in what was 
ordered as a demonstration against Missionary Ridge. Up and over it they drove the Confederates from one entrenchment after another, 
capturing the guns parked in the lower picture. " By whose orders are those troops going up.the hill? " " Old Pap " Thomas, who knew 
his men better than did Grant, replied that it was probably by their own orders. It was the most signal victory of the day. 



ilmmfatn attb 


and marched down the east bank, sweeping the Confederate 
outposts before him. The remainder of the command got 
across by bridges lower down. Gaining the slopes of the 
mountain the Federal troops rushed on in their advance. From 
the high palisaded summit, invisible in the low-hanging clouds, 
the guns of General Stevenson s brigades poured an iron 
deluge upon them. But on they went, climbing over ledges 
and boulders, up hill and down, while the soldiers of the South 
with musket and cannon tried in vain to check them. Position 
after position was abandoned to the onrushing Federals, and 
by noon Geary s advanced troops had rounded the north slope 
of the mountain and passed from the sight of General Hooker, 
who was watching the contest from a vantage point to the west. 
Grant and Thomas from the headquarters on Orchard Knob 
\vere likewise eager witnesses of the struggle, although the haze 
was so dense that they caught a glimpse only now and then as 
the clouds would rise. 

Reenforcements came to the Confederates and they availed 
nothing. Geary s troops had been ordered to halt when they 
reached the foot of the palisades, but fired by success they 
pressed impetuously forward. From its higher position at 
the base of the cliff Cobham s brigade showered volley after 
volley upon the Confederate main line of defense, while that 
of Ireland gradually rolled up the flank. The Federal bat 
teries on Moccasin Point across the river were doing what they 
could to clear the mountain. The Southerners made a last 
stand in their walls and pits around the Craven house, but were 
finally driven in force over rocks and precipices into Chat 
tanooga Valley. 

Such was the " battle in the clouds," a wonderful spec 
tacle denied the remainder of Hooker s troops holding Look 
out Valley. That general says, " From the moment we had 
rounded the peak of the mountain it was only from the roar 
of battle and the occasional glimpses our comrades in the valley 
could catch of our lines and standards that they knew of the 


General Hooker and Staff at Lookout Mountain. Hooker s forces of about 9,700 men had been sent from the East to reenforce Rose- 
crans, but until the arrival of Grant they were simply so many more mouths to feed in the besieged city. In the battle of Wauhatchie, 
on the night of October 20th, they drove back the Confederates and established the new line of communication. On November 24th 
they, too, had a surprise in store for Grant. Their part in the triple conflict was also ordered merely as a "demonstration," but they 
astounded the eyes and ears of their comrades with the spectacular fight by which they made their way up Lookout Mountain. The 
next day, pushing on to Rossville, the daring Hooker attacked one of Bragg s divisions and forced it into precipitate retreat. 



strife or its progress, and when from these evidences our true 
condition was revealed to them their painful anxiety yielded 
to transports of joy which only soldiers can feel in the earliest 
moments of dawning victory." 

By two in the afternoon the clouds had settled completely 
into the valley and the ensuing darkness put an end to further 
operations. Hooker established and strengthened a new posi 
tion and waited for reenforcements, which General Carlin 
brought from Chattanooga at five o clock. Until after mid 
night an irregular fire was kept up, but the Confederates could 
not break the new line. Before dawn General Stevenson aban 
doned the summit, leaving behind twenty thousand rations and 
the camp equipage of his three brigades. Hooker, anticipating 
this move, sent several detachments to scale the palisades. A 
party of six men from the Eighth Kentucky regiment, by 
means of ladders, was the first to reach the summit, and the 
waving Stars and Stripes greeted the rising sun of November 
25th on Lookout Mountain, amid the wild and prolonged 
cheers of " Fighting Joe s " valiant troops. 

The fighting of Sherman and Hooker on the 24th se 
cured to Grant s army a distinct advantage in position. From 
the north end of Lookout Mountain across Chattanooga Val 
ley to the north end of Missionary Ridge the Union forces 
maintained an unbroken front. 

The morning of the 25th dawned cold, and an impene 
trable mist which lay deep in the valleys \vas soon driven away. 
From Orchard Knob, a point almost in the center of the united 
Federal host, General Grant watched the preparations for the 
battle. At sunrise, Sherman s command was in motion. In 
his front, an open space intervened between his position and 
a ridge held by the Confederates, while just beyond rose a 
much higher hill. Toward the first ridge the attacking column, 
under General Corse, advanced rapidly and in full view of the 
foe. For a time it seemed as if the Confederates must recede 
before the terrific onslaught, but the advance was abruptly 


-- <\ 


Entrenchments on Lookout Mountain. Up such rugged heights as these, heavily timbered and full of 
chasms, Hooker s men fought their way on the afternoon of November 24th. Bridging Lookout Creek, the 
troops crossed, hidden by the friendly mist, and began ascending the mountain-sides, driving the Confederates 
from one line of rifle-pits and then from another. The heavy musketry fire and the boom of the Confederate 
battery on the top of the mountain apprised the waiting Federals before Chattanooga that the battle had 
begun. Now and again the fitful lifting of the mist disclosed to Grant and Thomas, watching from Orchard 
Knob, the men of Hooker fighting upon the heights. Then all would be curtained once more. At two o clock 
in the afternoon the mist became so heavy that Hooker and his men could not see what they were doing, 
and paused to entrench. By four o clock, however, he had pushed on to the summit and reported to Grant 
that his position was impregnable. Direct communication was then established and reinforcements sent. 

mrktfut 4K0Mttam attin 


/ /A 

checked after a very close and stubborn struggle, when within 
a short distance of the entrenchment. 

Unmindful of the numbers which opposed him, General 
Hardee not only succeeded in repulsing the attack, but, as 
suming the offensive, drove back the forces under General 
John E. Smith, who had sought to turn his left, and captured 
several hundred prisoners. The Federals, quickly re-forming illfljj^/ I, 
their lines, renewed the assault and for several hours the fight 
ing was desperate on both sides. A general advance of the 
Northern forces had been withheld, awaiting the arrival of 
Hooker who, under orders from Grant, was sweeping down 
Chickamauga Valley, and was to operate against the Confed 
erate left and rear, in the expectation that Bragg would further 
weaken his line by massing at those points. But Hooker s 
army had been delayed several hours by repairs to the bridge 
crossing Chattanooga Creek. Although Sherman had failed 
in his attempt to turn the Confederate right he had forced 
Bragg to draw heavily upon his center for reenforcements. 
Grant, satisfied that Hooker was not far off, ordered the 
signal six guns fired in rapid succession from the battery on 
Orchard Knob for a general advance of Thomas army upon 
the Confederate center. 

It was now three o clock in the afternoon. The four divi 
sion commanders of the Army of the Cumberland, Sheridan, 
Wood, Baird, and Johnson, gave the word to advance. Be 
tween Orchard Knob and the base of Missionary Ridge, a mile 
away, is a broad valley covered for the most part with heavy 
timber. This had to be crossed before the entrenchments at 
the foot of the hill could be assaulted. Scarcely were the Cum 
berland troops in motion when fifty pieces of artillery on the 
crest of Missionary Ridge opened a terrific fire upon them. 
But the onward rush of the Federals was not checked in the 
slightest degree. The line of entrenchments at the base was 
carried with little opposition. Most of Breckinridge s men 
abandoned the ditches as the Federal skirmishers approached 



Pulpit Rock, the Summit of Lookout Mountain. Before dawn of November 25th, Hooker, anticipating the with 
drawal of the Confederates, sent detachments to seize the very summit of the mountain, here 2,400 feet high. 
Six volunteers from the Eighth Kentucky Regiment scaled the palisades by means of the ladders seen in this 
picture, and made their way to the top. The rest of the regiment quickly followed; then came the Ninety-sixth 
Illinois. The rays of the rising sun disclosed the Stars and Stripes floating in triumph from the lofty peak 
"amid the wild and prolonged cheers of the men whose dauntless valor had borne them to that point." 

mkflut itnmttatn ani* 



and sought refuge up the hill, breaking and throwing into con 
fusion other troops as they passed through. 

At the foot of Missionary Ridge Thomas army had 
reached its goal. Its orders carried it no further. But, as 
General Wood has related, " the enthusiasm and impetuosity 
of the troops were such that those who first reached the en 
trenchments at the base of the ridge bounded over them and 
pressed on up the ascent. . . . Moreover the entrenchments 
were no protection against the artillery on the ridge. To re 
main would be destruction to return would be both expensive 
in life, and disgraceful. Officers and men, all seemed im 
pressed with this truth. . . . Without waiting for an order 
the vast mass pressed forward in the race for glory, each man 
anxious to be the first on the summit. . . . Artillery and mus 
ketry could not check the impetuous assault. The troops did 
not halt to fire. To have done so would have been ruinous. 
Little was left to the commanders of the troops than. to cheer 
on the foremost to encourage the weaker of limb and to sus 
tain the very few who seemed to be faint-hearted." 

Midway up the slope was a small line of rifle-pits, but 
these proved of no use in stemming the Federal tide. In the 
immediate front, however, Major Weaver of the Sixtieth 
North Carolina rallied a sufficient number of the demoralized 
Confederates to send a well-directed and effective fire upon the 
advancing troops. At this point the first line of oncoming 
Federals was vigorously repulsed, and thrown back to the 
vacated Confederate trenches. General Bragg, noticing this, 
rode along the ridge to spread his good news among the troops, 
but he had not gone far when word was brought that the right 
flank was broken and that the Federal standard had been seen 
on the summit. A second and a third flag appeared in quick 
succession. Bragg sent General Bate to drive the foe back, but 
the disaster was so great that the latter w r as unable to repair 
it. Even the artillery had abandoned the infantry. The Con 
federate flank had gone, and within an hour of the start from 



The Gap in Missionary Ridge at Rossville. Through this Georgia mountain-pass runs the road to Ringgold. Rosecrans took advantage 
of it when he turned Bragg s flank before the battle of Chickamauga; and on November 25, 1863, Thomas ordered Hooker to advance 
from Lookout Mountain to this point and strike the Confederates on their left flank, while in their front he (Thomas) stood ready 
to attack. The movement was entirely successful, and in a brilliant battle, begun by Hooker, Bragg s army was swept from Missionary 
Ridge and pursued in retreat to Georgia. 


Multiply the number of these men by ten, strike out the tents, and we see vividly how the advancing line of Thomas Army of the 
Cumberland appeared to the Confederates as they swept up the slope at Missionary Ridge to win the brilliant victory of November 
25th. This view of drilling Federal troops in Chattanooga preserves the exact appearance of the line of battle only a couple of months 
before the picture was taken. The skirmishers, thrown out in advance of the line, are "firing" from such positions as the character of 
the ground makes most effective. The main line is waiting for the order to charge. 

0nk0ut Hiwntatn mti* iJfemmmnj Htfcg? 


Orchard Knob the crest of Missionary Ridge was occupied by 
Federal troops. Sheridan did not stop here. He went down 
the eastern slope, driving all in front of him toward Chicka- 
mauga Creek. On a more easterly ridge he rested until mid 
night, when he advanced to the creek and took many prisoners 
and stores. 

While the Army of the Cumberland accomplished these 
things, Hooker was advancing his divisions at charging pace 
from the south. Cruft was on the crest, Osterhaus in the 
eastern valley, and Geary in the western all within easy sup 
porting distance. Before Cruft s onrush the left wing of 
Bragg s army was scattered in all directions from the ridge. 
Many ran down the eastern slope into Osterhaus column and 
the very few who chose a way of flight to the west, were cap 
tured by Geary. The bulk of them, however, fell back from 
trench to trench upon the crest until finally, as the sun was 
sinking, they found themselves surrounded by Johnson s divi 
sion of the Army of the Cumberland. Such was the fate of 
Stewart s division ; only a small portion of it got away. 

On the Confederate right Hardee held his own against 
Sherman, but with the left and center routed and in rapid 
flight Bragg realized the day was lost. He could do nothing 
but cover Breckinridge s retreat as best he might and order 
Hardee to retire across Chickamauga Creek. 

Thus ended the battle of Chattanooga. Bragg s army 
had been wholly defeated, and, after being pursued for some 
days, it found a resting place at Dalton among the mountains 
of Georgia. The Federal victory was the result of a cam 
paign carefully planned by Generals Halleck and Grant and 
ably carried out by the efforts of the subordinate generals. 

The losses in killed and wounded sustained by Grant 
were over fifty-eight hundred and those of Bragg about sixty- 
six hundred, four thousand being prisoners. But the advan 
tage of the great position had been forever wrested from the 
Southern army. 

[Part X] 



The volunteers who composed the armies of the Potomac and North 
ern Virginia were real soldiers now, inured to war, and desperate in their 
determination to do its work without faltering or failure. This fact 
this change in the temper and morale of the men on either side had 
greatly simplified the tasks set for Grant and Lee to solve. They knew 
their men. They knew that those men would stand against anything, 
endure slaughter without flinching, hardship without complaining, and 
make desperate endeavor without shrinking. The two armies had become 
what they had not been earlier in the contest, perfect instruments of war, 
that could be relied upon as confidently as the machinist relies upon his 
engine scheduled to make so many revolutions per minute at a given rate 
of horse-power, and with the precision of science itself. George Gary 
Eggleston, in " The History of the Confederate War" 

AFTER the battle of Gettysburg, Lee started for the 
Potomac, which he crossed with some difficulty, but 
with little interruption from the Federals, above Harper s 
Ferry, on July 14, 1863. The thwarted invader of Pennsyl 
vania wished to get to the plains of Virginia as quickly as 
possible, but the Shenandoah was found to be impassable. 
Meade, in the mean time, had crossed the Potomac east of the 
Blue Ridge and seized the principal outlets from the lower 
part of the Valley. Lee, therefore, was compelled to continue 
his retreat up the Shenandoah until Longstreet, sent in ad 
vance with part of his command, had so blocked the Federal 
pursuit that most of the Confederate army was able to emerge 
through Chester Gap and move to Culpeper Court House. 
Ewell marched through Thornton s Gap and by the 4th of 
August practically the whole Army of Northern Virginia was 
south of the Rapidan, prepared to dispute the crossing of that 
river. But Meade, continuing his flank pursuit, halted at 



The faces of the veterans in this photograph of 1864 reflect more forcibly than volumes of historical es 
says, the privations and the courage of the ragged veterans in gray who faced Grant, with Lee as their 
leader. They did not know that their struggle had already become unavailing; that no amount of per 
severance and devotion could make headway against the resources, determination, and discipline of the 
Northern armies, now that they had become concentrated and wielded by a master of men like Grant. 
But Grant was as yet little more than a name to the armies of the East. His successes had been 
won on Western fields Donelson, Vicksburg, Chattanooga. It was not yet known that the Army of the 
Potomac under the new general-in-chief was to prove irresistible. So these faces reflect perfect confidence. 


Though prisoners when this picture was taken a remnant of Grant s heavy captures during May and 
June, when he sent some ten thousand Confederates to Coxey s Landing, Virginia, as a result of his first 
stroke against Lee though their arms have been taken from them, though their uniforms are anything but 
"uniform," their hats partly the regulation felt of the Army of Northern Virginia, partly captured Federal 
caps, and partly nondescript yet these ragged veterans stand and sit with the dignity of accomplish 
ment. To them, "Marse Robert" is still the general unconquerable, under whom inferior numbers again 
and again have held their own, and more; the brilliant leader under whom every man gladly rushes to any 
assault, however impossible it seems, knowing that every order will be made to count. 

laitl? in 


Culpeper Court House, deeming it imprudent to attempt the 
Rapidan in the face of the strongly entrenched Confederates. 
In the entire movement there had been no fighting except a 
few cavalry skirmishes and no serious loss on either side. 

On the 9th of September, Lee sent Longstreet and his 
corps to assist Bragg in the great conflict that was seen to be 
inevitable around Chattanooga. In spite of reduced strength, 
Lee proceeded to assume a threatening attitude toward Meade, 
and in October and early November there were several small 
but severe engagements as the Confederate leader attempted 
to turn Meade s flank and force him back to the old line of 
Bull Run. On the 7th of November, Sedgwick made a bril 
liant capture of the redoubts on the Rappahannock, and Lee 
returned once more to his old position on the south side of the 
Rapidan. This lay between Barnett s Ford, near Orange 
Court House (Lee s headquarters) , and Morton s Ford, twenty 
miles below. Its right was also protected by entrenchments 
along the course of Mine Run. Against these, in the last days 
of November, Meade sent French, Sedgwick, and Warren. 
It was found impossible to carry the Confederate position, 
and on December 1st the Federal troops were ordered to re- 
cross the Rapidan. In this short campaign the Union lost 
sixteen hundred men and the Confederacy half that number. 
With the exception of an unsuccessful cavalry raid against 
Richmond, in February, nothing disturbed the existence of the 
two armies until the coming of Grant. 

In the early months of 1864, the Army of the Potomac 
lay between the Rapidan and the Rappahannock, most of it 
in the vicinity of Culpeper Court House, although some of 
the troops were guarding the railroad to Washington as far 
as Bristoe Station, close to Manassas Junction. On the south 
side of the Rapidan, the Army of Northern Virginia was, as 
has been seen, securely entrenched. The Confederates ranks 
were thin and their supplies were scarce; but the valiant spirit 
which had characterized the Southern hosts in former battles 



Hither, to Meade s headquarters at Brandy Station, came Grant on March 10, 1864. The day before, in 
Washington, President Lincoln handed him his commission, appointing him Lieutenant-General in command 
of all the Federal forces. His visit to Washington convinced him of the wisdom of remaining in the East to 
direct affairs, and his first interview with Meade decided him to retain that efficient general in command of 
the Army of the Potomac. The two men had known each other but slightly from casual meetings during the 
Mexican War. "I was a stranger to most of the Army of the Potomac," said Grant, "but Meade s modesty 
and willingness to serve in any capacity impressed me even more than had his victory at Gettysburg." The 
only prominent officers Grant brought on from the West were Sheridan and. Rawlins. 



still burned fiercely within their breasts, presaging many des 
perate battles before the heel of the invader should tread upon 
their cherished capital, Richmond, and their loved cause, the 

Within the camp religious services had been held for 
weeks in succession, resulting in the conversion of large num 
bers of the soldiers. General Lee was a religious man. The 
influence of the awakening among the men in the army dur 
ing this revival was manifest after the war was over, when the 
soldiers had gone back to civil life, under conditions most 
trying and severe. To this spiritual frame of mind may be 
credited, perhaps, some of the remarkable feats accomplished 
in subsequent battles by the Confederate army. 

On February 29, 1864, the United States Congress passed 
? law reviving the grade of lieutenant-general, the title being 
intended for Grant, who was made general-in-chief of the 
armies of the United States. Grant had come from his vic 
torious battle-grounds in the West, and all eyes turned to him 
as the chieftain who should lead the Union army to success. 
On the 9th of March he received his commission. He now 
planned the final great double movement of the war. Taking 
control of the whole campaign against Lee, but leaving the 
Army of the Potomac under Meade s direct command, he chose 
the strongest of his corps commanders, W. T. Sherman, for 
the head of affairs in the West. Grant s immediate objects 
were to defeat Lee s army and to capture Richmond, the latter 
to be accomplished by General Butler and the Army of the 
James; Sherman s object was to crush Johnston, to seize that 
important railroad center, Atlanta, Georgia, and, with Banks 
assistance, to open a way between the Atlantic coast and 
Mobile, on the Gulf, thus dividing the Confederacy north and 
south, as the conquest of the Mississippi had parted it east and 
west. It was believed that if either or both of these cam 
paigns were successful, the downfall of the Confederacy would 
be assured. 







In April, 1864, General Meade s headquarters lay north of the Rapidan. The Signal Corps was kept busy 
transmitting the orders preliminary to the Wilderness campaign, which was to begin May 5th. The head 
quarters are below the brow of the hill. A most important part of the Signal Corps duty was the inter 
ception and translation of messages interchanged between the Confederate signal-men. A veteran of 
Sheridan s army tells of his impressions as follows: "On the evening of the 18th of October, 1864, the sol 
diers of Sheridan s army lay in their lines at Cedar Creek. Our attention was suddenly directed to the 
ridge of Massanutten, or Three Top Mountain, the slope of which covered the left wing of the army the 
Eighth Corps. A lively series of signals w T as being flashed out from the peak, and it was evident that mes 
sages were being sent both eastward and westward of the ridge. I can recall now the feeling with which 
we looked up at those flashes going over our heads, knowing that they must be Confederate messages. It 
was only later that we learned that a keen-eyed Union officer had been able to read the message: To 
Lieutenant-General Early. Be ready to move as soon as my forces join you, and we w r ill crush Sheridan. 
Longstreet, Lieutenant-General. The sturdiness of Sheridan s veterans and the fresh spirit put into the 
hearts of the men by the return of Sheridan himself from Winchester, twenty miles away, a ride rendered 
immortal by Read s poem, proved too much at last for the pluck and persistency of Early s worn-out troops." 


On a recommendation of General Meade s, the Army of 
the Potomac was reorganized into three corps instead of the 
previous five. The Second, Fifth, and Sixth corps were re 
tained, absorbing the First and Third. 

Hancock was in command of the Second; Warren, the 
Fifth; and Sedgwick, the Sixth. Sheridan was at the head of 
the cavalry. The Ninth Corps acted as a separate army under 
Burnside, and was now protecting the Orange and Alexandria 
Railroad. As soon as Meade had crossed the Rapidan, Burn- 
side was ordered to move promptly, and he reached the battle 
field of the Wilderness on the morning of May 6th. On May 
24th his corps was assigned to the Army of the Potomac. The 
Union forces, including the Ninth Corps, numbered about one 
hundred and eighteen thousand men. 

The Army of Northern Virginia consisted of three corps 
of infantry, the First under Longstreet, the Second under 
Ewell, and the Third under A. P. Hill, and a cavalry corps 
commanded by Stuart. A notable fact in the organization 
of the Confederate army was the few changes made in com 
manders. The total forces under Lee were about sixty-two 

After assuming command, Grant established his head 
quarters at Culpeper Court House, whence he visited Wash 
ington once a week to consult with President Lincoln and the 
Secretary of War. He was given full authority, however, as 
to men and movements, and worked out a plan of campaign 
which resulted in a series of battles in Virginia unparalleled in 
history. The first of these was precipitated in a dense forest, 
a wilderness, from which the battle takes its name. 

Grant decided on a general advance of the Army of the 
Potomac upon Lee, and early on the morning of May 4th the 
movement began by crossing the Rapidan at several fords 
below Lee s entrenched position, and moving by his right flank. 
The crossing was effected successfully, the line of march tak 
ing part of the Federal troops over a scene of defeat in the 


The Streets of Culpeper, Virginia, in March, 1864. After Grant s arrival, the Army of the Potomac awoke to 
the activity of the spring campaign. One of the first essentials was to get the vast transport trains in readi 
ness to cross the Rapidan. Wagons were massed by thousands at Culpeper, near w y here Meade s troops had 
spent the winter. The work of the teamsters was most arduous; wearied by long night marches nodding, 
reins in hand, for lack of sleep- they might at any moment be suddenly attacked in a bold attempt to capture 
or destroy their precious freight. When the arrangements were completed, each wagon bore the corps badge, 
division color, and number of the brigade it was to serve. Its contents were also designated, together with 
the branch of the service for which it was intended. While loaded, the wagons must keep pace with the army 
movements whenever possible in order to be parked at night near the brigades to which they belonged. 



previous spring. One year before, the magnificent Army of 
the Potomac, just from a long winter s rest in the encamp 
ment at Falmouth on the north bank of the Rappahannock, 
had met the legions of the South in deadly combat on the 
battlefield of Chancellorsville. And now Grant was leading 
the same army, whose ranks had been freshened by new recruits 
from the North, through the same field of war. 

By eight o clock on the morning of the 4th the various 
rumors as to the Federal army s crossing the Rapidan received 
by Lee were fully confirmed, and at once he prepared to set 
his own army in motion for the Wilderness, and to throw him 
self across the path of his foe. Two days before he had gath 
ered his corps and division commanders around him at the 
signal station on Clark s Mountain, a considerable eminence 
south of the Rapidan, near Robertson s Ford. Here he ex 
pressed the opinion that Grant would cross at the lower fords, 
as he did, but nevertheless Longstreet was kept at Gordons- 
ville in case the Federals should move by the Confederate left. 

The day was oppressively hot, and the troops suffered 
greatly from thirst as they plodded along the forest aisles 
through the jungle-like region. The Wilderness was a maze 
of trees, underbrush, and ragged foliage. Low-limbed pines, 
scrub-oaks, hazels, and chinkapins interlaced their branches on 
the sides of rough country roads that lead through this laby 
rinth of desolation. The weary troops looked upon the heavy 
tangles of fallen timber and dense undergrowth with a sense 
of isolation. Only the sounds of the birds in the trees, the 
rustling of the leaves, and the passing of the army relieved 
the heavy pall of solitude that bore upon the senses of the 
Federal host. 

The forces of the Northern army advanced into the vast 
no-man s land by the roads leading from the fords. In the 
afternoon, Hancock w r as resting at Chancellorsville, while 
Warren posted his corps near the Wilderness Tavern, in which 
General Grant established his headquarters. Sedgwick s corps 



Pontoon-Bridges at Germanna Ford, on the Rapidan. Here the Sixth Corps under Sedgwick and Warren s Fifth Corps began crossing 
on the morning of May 4, 1864. The Second Corps, under Hancock, crossed at Ely s Ford, farther to the east. The cavalry, under 
Sheridan, was in advance. By night the army, with the exception of Burnside s Ninth Corps, was south of the Rapidan, advancing into 
the Wilderness. The Ninth Corps (a reserve of twenty thousand men) remained temporarily north of the Rappahannock, guarding 
railway communications. On the wooden pontoon-bridge the rear-guard is crossing while the pontonniers are taking up the canvas bridge 
beyond. The movement was magnificently managed: Grant believed it to be a complete surprise, as Lee had offered no opposition. 
That was yet to come. In the baffling fighting of the Wilderness and Spotsyl vania ( \>urt House, Grunt was to lose a third of his superior 
number, arriving a month later on the James with a dispirited army that had left behind 54,92( comrades in a month. 

Haiti? in 

had followed in the track of Warren s veterans, but was or 
dered to halt near the river crossing, or a little south of it. 
The cavalry, as much as was not covering the rear wagon 
trains, was stationed near Chancellorsville and the Wilderness 
Tavern. That night the men from the North lay in bivouac 
with little fear of being attacked in this wilderness of waste, 
where military maneuvers would be very difficult. 

Two roads the old Orange turnpike and the Orange 
plank road enter the Wilderness from the southwest. Along 
these the Confederates moved from their entrenched position 
to oppose the advancing hosts of the North. Ewell took the 
old turnpike and Hill the plank road. Longstreet was hasten 
ing from Gordonsville. The troops of Longstreet, on the one 
side, and of Burnside, on the other, arrived on the field after 
exhausting forced marches. 

The locality in which the Federal army found itself on the 
5th of May was not one that any commander would choose 
for a battle-ground. Lee was more familiar with its terrible 
features than was his opponent, but this gave him little or no 
advantage. Grant, having decided to move by the Confederate 
right flank, could only hope to pass through the desolate 
region and reach more open country before the inevitable clash 
would come. But this was not to be. General Humphreys, 
who was Meade s chief of staff, says in his " Virginia Cam 
paign of 1864 and 1865 ": " So far as I know, no great battle 
ever took place before on such ground. But little of the com 
batants could be seen, and its progress was known to the senses 
chiefly by the rising and falling sounds of a vast musketry fire 
that continually swept along the lines of battle, many miles 
in length, sounds which at times approached to the sublime." 

As Ewell, moving along the old turnpike on the morning 
of May 5th, came near the Germanna Ford road, Warren s 
corps was marching down the latter on its way to Parker s 
store, the destination assigned it by the orders of the day. 
This meeting precipitated the battle of the Wilderness. 

v -v * 




The Edge of the Wilderness, May 5, 1864. Stretching away to the westward between Grant s army and Lee s lay no-man s-land the 
Wilderness. Covered with a second-growth of thicket, thorny underbrush, and twisted vines, it was an almost impassable labyrinth, 
with here and there small clearings in which stood deserted barns and houses, reached only by unused and overgrown farm roads. The 
Federal advance into this region was not a surprise to Lee, as Grant supposed. The Confederate commander had caused the region to 
be carefully surveyed, hoping for the precise opportunity that Grant was about to give him. At the very outset of the campaign he 
could strike the Federals in a position where superior numbers counted little. If he could drive Grant beyond the Rappahannock as 
he had forced Pope, Burnside and Hooker before him says George Gary Eggleston (in the "History of the Confederate War"), "loud 
and almost irresistible would have been the cry for an armistice, supported (as it would have been) by Wall Street and all Europe." 

Batik in % 


JMeade learned the position of Swell s advance division 
and ordered an attack. The Confederates were driven back a 
mile or two, but, re-forming and reenforced, the tide of battle 
was turned the other way. Sedgwick s marching orders were 
sending him to the Wilderness Tavern on the turnpike. He 
was on his way when the battle began, and he now turned to 
the right from the Germanna Ford road and formed several of 
his divisions on Warren s right. The presence of Hill on the 
plank road became known to Meade and Grant, about eight in 
the morning. Hancock, at Chancellorsville, was too far away 
to check him, so Getty s division of Sedgwick s corps, on its 
way to the right, was sent over the Brock road to its junction 
with the plank road for the purpose of driving Hill back, if 
possible, beyond Parker s store. 

Warren and Sedgwick began to entrench themselves when 
they realized that Ewell had effectively blocked their progress. 
Getty, at the junction of the Brock and the Orange plank 
roads, was likewise throwing up breastworks as fast as he 
could. Hancock, coming down the Brock road from Chancel 
lorsville, reached him at two in the afternoon and found two 
of A. P. Hill s divisions in front. After waiting to finish his 
breastworks, Getty, a little after four o clock, started, with 
Hancock supporting him, to carry out his orders to drive Hill 
back. Hancock says: " The fighting became very fierce at 
once. The lines of battle were exceedingly close, the musketry 
continuous and deadly along the entire line. . . . The battle 
raged with great severity and obstinacy until about 8 P.M. 
without decided advantage to either party." Here, on the 
Federal left, and in this desperate engagement, General Alex 
ander Hays, one of Hancock s brigade commanders, was shot 
through the head and killed. 

The afternoon had worn away with heavy skirmishing on 
the right. About five o clock Meade made another attempt on 
Swell s forces. Both lines were well entrenched, but the Con 
federate artillery enfiladed the Federal positions. It was after 





A photograph of Confederate breastworks raised by Swell s men a few 
months before, while they fought in the Wilderness, May 5, 1864. In 
the picture we see some of the customary breastworks which both con 
tending armies threw up to strengthen their positions. These were in a 
field near the turnpike in front of Ewell s main line. The impracticable 
nature of the ground tore the lines on both sides into fragments; as 
they swept back and forth, squads and companies strove fiercely with 
one another, hand-to-hand. Grant had confidently expressed the belief 
to one of his staff officers that there was no more advance left in Lee s 
army. He was surprised to learn on the 5th that Ewell s Corps was 
marching rapidly down the Orange turnpike to strike at Sedgwick and 
W T arren, while A. P. Hill, with Longstreet close behind, was pushing for 
ward on the Orange plank-road against Hancock. 

in Wtltonwa* 



dark when General Seymour of Sedgwick s corps finally with 
drew his brigade, with heavy loss in killed and wounded. 

When the battle roar had ceased, the rank and file of the 
Confederate soldiers learned with sorrow of the death of one 
of the most dashing brigade leaders in Ewell s corps, General 
John M. Jones. This fighting was the preliminary strug 
gle for position in the formation of the battle-lines of the two 
armies, to secure the final hold for the death grapple. The 
contestants were without advantage on either side when the 
sanguinary day s w r ork was finished. 

Both armies had constructed breastworks and were en 
trenched very close to each other, front to front, gathered and 
poised for a deadly spring. Early on the morning of May 6th 
Hancock was reenforced by Burnside, and Hill by Longstreet. 

Grant issued orders, through Meade, for a general attack 
by Sedgwick, Warren, and Hancock along the entire line, at 
five o clock on the morning of the 6th. Fifteen minutes before 
five the Confederates opened fire on Sedgwick s right, and 
soon the battle was raging along the whole five-mile front. 
It became a hand-to-hand contest. The Federals advanced 
with great difficulty. The combatants came upon each other 
but a few paces apart. Soldiers on one side became hopelessly 
mixed with those of the other. 

Artillery played but little part in the battle of the Wil 
derness. The cavalry of the two armies had one indecisive 
engagement on the 5th. The next day both Custer and Gregg 
repulsed Hampton and Fitzhugh Lee in two separate en 
counters, but Sheridan was unable to follow up the advantage. 
He had been entrusted with the care of the wagon trains and 
dared not take his cavalry too far from them. The battle was 
chiefly one of musketry. Volley upon volley was poured 
out unceasingly; screaming bullets mingled with terrific yells 
in the dense woods. The noise became deafening, and the 
wounded and dying lying on the ground among the trees made 
a scene of indescribable horror. Living men rushed in to take 


Another view of Ewell s ad 
vanced entrenchments the 
bark still fresh where the Con 
federates had worked with the 
logs. In the Wilderness, Lee, 
ever bold and aggressive, exe 
cuted one of the most brilliant 
maneuvers of his career. His 
advance was a sudden surprise 
for Grant, and the manner in 
which he gave battle was an 
other. Grant harbored the 
notion that his adversary would 
act on the defensive, and that 
there would be opportunity to 
attack the Army of Northern 
Virginia only behind strong 
entrenchments. But in the 
Wilderness, Lee s veterans, the 
backbone of the South s fight 
ing strength, showed again their 
unquenchable spirit of ag 
gressiveness. They came forth 
to meet Grant s men on equal 
terms in the thorny thickets. 
About noon, May 5th, the still 
ness was broken by the rattle 
of musketry and the roar of 
artillery, which told that War 
ren had met with resistance on 
the turnpike and that the 
battle had begun. Nearly a 
mile were Ewell s men driven 
back, and then they came mag 
nificently on again, fighting 
furiously in the smoke-filled 
thickets with Warren s now 
retreating troops. Sedgwick, 
coming to the support of 
Warren, renewed the conflict. 
To the southward on the plank 
road, Getty s division, of the 
Sixth Corps, hard pressed by 
the forces of A. P. Hill, was 
succored by Hancock with the 
Second Corps, and together 
these commanders achieved 
what seemed success. It was 
brief; Longstreet was close at 
hand to save the day for the 



Hattfc in 

* * * * 


the places of those who had fallen. The missiles cut branches 
from the trees, and saplings were mowed down as grass in a 
meadow is cut by a scythe. Bloody remnants of uniforms, 
blue and gray, hung as weird and uncanny decorations from 
remaining branches. 

The story of the Federal right during the morning is 
easily told. Persistently and often as he tried, Warren could 
make no impression on the strongly entrenched Ewell nor 
could Sedgwick, who was trying equally hard with Wright s 
division of his corps. But with Hancock on the left, in his en 
trenchments on the Brock road, it w^as different. The gallant 
and heroic charges here have elicited praise and admiration 
from friend and foe alike. At first, Hill w r as forced back in 
disorder, and driven in confusion a mile and a half from his 
line. The Confederates seemed on the verge of panic and 
rout. From the rear of the troops in gray came the beloved 
leader of the Southern host, General Lee. He was astride his 
favorite battle-horse, and his face was set in lines of determi 
nation. Though the crisis of the battle for the Confederates 
had arrived, Lee s voice was calm and soft as he commanded, 
" Follow me," and then urged his charger toward the bristling 
front of the Federal lines. The Confederate ranks were elec 
trified by the brave example of their commander. A ragged 
veteran who had followed Lee through many campaigns, leaped 
forward and caught the bridle-rein of the horse. We won t 
go on until you go back," cried the devoted warrior. Instantly 
the Confederate ranks resounded with the cry, " Lee to the 
rear! Lee to the rear!" and the great general went back to 
safety while his soldiers again took up the gage of battle and 
plunged into the smoke and death-laden storm. But Lee, by 
his personal presence, and the arrival of Longstreet, had re 
stored order and courage in the ranks, and their original 
position was soon regained. 

The pursuit of the Confederates through the dense forest 
had caused confusion and disorganization in Hancock s corps. 







The Wilderness to the north of 
the Orange turnpike. Over 
ground like this, where men 
had seldom trod before, ebbed 
and flowed the tide of tramp 
ling thousands on May 5 and 6, 
1864. Artillery, of which Grant 
had a superabundance, was 
well-nigh useless, wreaking its 
impotent fury upon the defense 
less trees. Even the efficacy of 
musketry fire was hampered. 
Men tripping and falling in the 
tangled underbrush arose bleed 
ing from the briars to struggle 
with an adversary whose every 
movement was impeded also. 
The cold steel of the bayonet 
finished the work which rifles 
had begun. In the terrible 
turmoil of death the hopes of 
both Grant and Lee were 
doomed to disappointment. 
The result was a victory for 
neither. Lee, disregarding his 
own safety, endeavored to rally 
the disordered ranks of A. P. 
Hill, and could only be per 
suaded to retire by the pledge of 
Longstreet that his advancing 
force would win the coveted 
victory. Falling upon Han 
cock s flank, the fresh troops 
seemed about to crush the 
Second Corps, as Jackson s men 
had crushed the Eleventh the 
previous year at Chancellors- 
ville. But now, as Jackson, at 
the critical moment, had fallen 
by the fire of his own men, so 
Longstreet and his staff, gallop 
ing along the plank road, were 
mistaken by their own soldiers 
for Federals and fired upon. A 
minie-ball struck Longstreet in 
the shoulder, and he was carried 
from the field, feebly waving his 
hat that his men might know 
that he was not killed. With 
him departed from the field the 
life of the attack. 


That cohesion and strength in a battle-line of soldiers, where 
the men can " feel the touch," shoulder to shoulder, was want 
ing, and the usual form and regular alignment was broken. 
It was two hours before the lines were re-formed. That short 
time had been well utilized by the Confederates. Gregg s 
eight hundred Texans made a desperate charge through the 
thicket of the pine against Webb s brigade of Hancock s 
corps, cutting through the growth, and wildly shouting amid 
the crash and roar of the battle. Half of their number were 
left on the field, but the blow had effectually checked the Fed 
eral advance. 

While the battle was raging Grant s general demeanor 
was imperturbable. He remained with Meade nearly the whole 
day at headquarters at the Lacy house. He sat upon a stump 
most of the time, or at the foot of a tree, leaning against its 
trunk, whittling sticks with his pocket-knife and smoking big 
black cigars twenty during the day. He received reports of 
the progress of the battle and gave orders without the least 
evidence of excitement or emotion. " His orders," said one 
of his staff, " were given with a spur," implying instant action. 
On one occasion, when an officer, in great excitement, brought 
him the report of Hancock s misfortune and expressed appre 
hension as to Lee s purpose, Grant exclaimed with some 
warmth: "Oh, I am heartily tired of hearing what Lee is 
going to do. Go back to your command and try to think what 
we are going to do ourselves." 

Several brigades of Longstreet s troops, though weary 
from their forced march, were sent on a flanking movement 
against Hancock s left, which demoralized Mott s division and 
caused it to fall back three-quarters of a mile. Longstreet 
now advanced with the rest of his corps. The dashing leader, 
while riding with Generals Kershaw and Jenkins at the head 
of Jenkins brigade on the right of the Southern battle array, 
was screened by the tangled thickets from the view of his own 
troops, flushed with the success of brilliant flank movement. 


>" ^ 


?, v %\ .</.-^ * 


Federal wounded in the Wilderness campaign, at Fredericksburg. Grant lost 17.3 per cent, of his numbers engaged in the two days 
battles of the Wilderness alone. Lee s loss was 18.1 per cent. More than 24,000 of the Army of the Potomac and of the Army of North 
ern Virginia lay suffering in those uninhabited thickets. There many of them died alone, and some perished in the horror of a forest 
fire on the night of May oth. The Federals lost many gallant officers, among them the veteran Wadsworth. The Confederates lost 
Generals Jenkins and Jones, killed, and suffered a staggering blow in the disabling of Longstreet. The series of battles of the Wilder 
ness and Spotsylvania campaigns were more costly to the Federals than Antietam and Gettysburg combined. 

Sattl? in 


Suddenly the passing column was seen indistinctly through 
an opening and a volley burst forth and struck the officers. 
When the smoke lifted Longstreet and Jenkins were down 
the former seriously wounded, and the latter killed outright. 
As at Chancellorsville a year before and on the same battle 
ground, a great captain of the Confederacy was shot down by 
his own men, and by accident, at the crisis of a battle. Jack 
son lingered several days after Chancellorsville, while Long- 
street recovered and lived to fight for the Confederacy till the 
surrender at Appomattox. General Wadsworth, of Hancock s 
corps, was mortally wounded during the day, while making a 
daring assault on the Confederate works, at the head of his men. 

During the afternoon, the Confederate attack upon Han 
cock s and Burnside s forces, which constituted nearly half the 
entire army, was so severe that the Federal lines began to give 
way. The combatants swayed back and forth ; the Confederates 
seized the Federal breastworks repeatedly, only to be repulsed 
again and again. Once, the Southern colors were placed on 
the Union battlements. A fire in the forest, which had been 
burning for hours, and in which, it is estimated, about two 
hundred of the Federal wounded perished, was communicated 
to the timber entrenchments, the heat and smoke driving into 
the faces of the men on the Union side, and compelling them 
in some places to abandon the w r orks. Hancock made a gal 
lant and heroic effort to re-form his lines and push the attack, 
and, as he rode along the lines, his inspiring presence elicited 
cheer upon cheer from the men, but the troops had exhausted 
their ammunition, the wagons w r ere in the rear, and as night 
was approaching, further attack was abandoned. The contest 
ended on the lines where it began. 

Later in the evening consternation swept the Federal 
camp when heavy firing was heard in the direction of Sedg- 
wick s corps, on the right. The report was current that the 
entire Sixth Corps had been attacked and broken. What had 
happened was a surprise attack by the Confederates, 



This photograph, taken at Wilcox Landing, near City Point, gives an excellent idea of the difficulties under 
which telegraphing was done at the front or on the march. With a tent-fly for shelter and a hard-tack box 
for a table, the resourceful operator mounted his "relay," tested his wire, and brought the commanding gen 
eral into direct communication with separated brigades or divisions. The U. S. Military Telegraph Corps, 
through its Superintendent of Construction, Dennis Doren, kept Meade and both w r ings of his army in 
communication from the crossing of the Rapidan in May, 1864, till the siege of Petersburg. Over this field- 
line Grant received daily reports from four separate armies, numbering a quarter of a million men, and re 
plied with daily directions for their operations over an area of seven hundred and fifty thousand square 
miles. Though every corps of Meade s army moved daily, Doren kept them in touch with headquarters. 
The field-line was built of seven twisted, rubber-coated wires which were hastily strung on trees or fences. 

Sattb in 

commanded by General John B. Gordon, on Sedgwick s right 
flank, Generals Seymour and Shaler with six hundred men 
being captured. When a message was received from Sedg- 
wick that the Sixth Corps was safe in an entirely new line, 
there was great rejoicing in the Union camp. 

Thus ended the two days fighting of the battle of the 
Wilderness, one of the greatest struggles in history. It was 
Grant s first experience in the East, and his trial measure of 
arms with his great antagonist, General Lee. The latter re 
turned to his entrenchments and the Federals remained in their 
position. The first clash had been undecisive. While Grant 
had been defeated in his plan to pass around Lee, yet he had 
made a new record for the Army of the Potomac, and he was 
not turned from his purpose of putting himself between the 
Army of Northern Virginia and the capital of the Confed 
eracy. During the two days engagement, there were ten hours 
of actual fighting, with a loss in killed and wounded of about 
seventeen thousand Union and nearly twelve thousand Con 
federates, nearly three thousand men sacrificed each hour. It 
is the belief of some military writers that Lee deliberately 
chose the Wilderness as a battle-ground, as it would effectually 
conceal great inferiority of force, but if this be so he seems to 
have come to share the unanimous opinions of the generals of 
both sides that its difficulties were linsurmountable, and within 
his entrenchments he awaited further attack. It did not come. 

The next night, May 7th, Grant s march by the Confed 
erate right flank was resumed, but only to be blocked again 
by the dogged determination of the tenacious antagonist, a 
few miles beyond, at Spotsylvania. Lee again anticipated 
Grant s move. It is not strange that the minds of these two 
men moved along the same lines in military strategy, when 
we remember they were both military experts of the highest 
order, and were now working out the same problem. The 
results obtained by each are told in the story of the battle of 




The man who established the Federal military 
telegraph system amid the first horrors of war 
was to become one of the world s foremost ad 
vocates of peace. As the right hand man of 
Thomas A. Scott, Assistant Secretary of War, he 
came to Washington in 61, and was immediately 
put in charge of the field work of reestablishing 
communication between the Capital and the 
North, cut off by the Maryland mobs. A tele 
graph operator himself, he inaugurated the system 
of cipher despatches for the War Department and 
secured the trusted operators with whom the 
service was begun. A young man of twenty- 
four at the time, he was one of the last to leave 
the battlefield of Bull Run, and his duties of 
general superintendence over the network of rail 
roads and telegraph lines made him a witness of 
war s cruelties on other fields until he with his 
chief left the government service June 1, 1862. 



"No orders ever had to be given 
to establish the telegraph." Thus 
wrote General Grant in his 
memoirs. "The moment troops 
were in position to go into camp, 
the men would put up their 
wires." Grant pays a glowing 
tribute to "the organization and 
discipline of this body of brave 
and intelligent men." 





Here the army is saving the navy by a brilliant piece of engineering that prevented the loss of a 
fleet worth $2,000,000. The Red River expedition was one of the most humiliating ever under 
taken by the Federals. Porter s fleet, which had so boldly advanced above the falls at Alexandria, 
was ordered back, only to find that the river was so low as to imprison twelve vessels. Lieut.- 
Colonel Joseph Bailey, acting engineer of the Nineteenth Corps, obtained permission to build a dam in 
order to make possible the passage of the fleet. Begun on ApriRJO, 1864, the work was finished on the 8th 
of May, almost entirely by the soldiers, working incessantly day and night, often up to their necks in water 
and under the broiling sun. Bailey succeeded in turning the whole current into one channel and the 
squadron passed below to safety. Not often have inland lumbermen been the means of saving a navy. 

The army engineers laughed at this wide- 
browed, unassuming man when he sug 
gested building a dam so as to release 
Admiral Porter s fleet imprisoned by low 
water above the Falls at Alexandria at the 
close of the futile Red River expedition in 
1864. Bailey had been a lumberman in 
Wisconsin and had there gained the prac 
tical experience which taught him that the 
plan was feasible. He was Acting Chief 
Engineer of the Nineteenth Army Corps at 
this time, and obtained permission to go 
ahead and build his dam. In the under 
taking he had the approval and earnest 
support of Admiral Porter, who refused to 
consider for a moment the abandonment 
of any of his vessels even though the Red 
River expedition had been ordered to re 
turn and General Banks was chafing at de 
lay and sending messages to Porter that his 
troops must be got in motion at once. 

Bailey pushed on with his work and in 
eleven days he succeeded in so raising the 
water in the channel that all the Federal 
vessels were able to pass down below the 
Falls. "Words are inadequate," said Ad 
miral Porter, in his report, "to express the 
admiration I feel for the ability of Lieut. 
Colonel Bailey. This is without doubt the 
best engineering feat ever performed. . . . 
The highest honors the Government can 
bestow on Colonel Bailey can never repay 
him for the service he has rendered the 
country." For this achievement Bailey 
was promoted to colonel, brevetted briga 
dier general, voted the thanks of Congress, 
and presented with a sword and a purse of 
$3,000 by the officers of Porter s fleet. He 
settled in Missouri after the war and was a 
formidable enemy of the "Bushwhackers" 
till he was shot by them on March 21, 1867. 
He was born at Salem, Ohio, April 28, 1827. 




This powerful gunboat, the Lafayette, though accompanying Admiral Porter on the Red River expedition, was not one of those en 
trapped at Alexandria. Her heavy draft precluded her being taken above the Falls. Here we see her lying above Vicksburg in the 
spring of 1863. She and her sister ship, the Choctaw, were side-wheel steamers altered into casemate ironclads with rams. The 
Lafayette had the stronger armament, carrying two 11-inch Dahlgrens forward, four 9-inch guns in the broadside, and two 24- 
pound howitzers, with two 100-pound Parrott guns astern. She and the Choctaw were the most important acquisitions to Porter s 
fleet toward the end of 1862. The Lafayette was built and armed for heavy fighting. She got her first taste of it on the night of 
April 16, 1863, when Porter took part of his fleet past the Vicksburg batteries to support Grant s crossing of the river in an 
advance on Vicksburg from below. The Lafayette, with a barge and a transport lashed to her, held her course with difficulty 
through the tornado of shot and shell which poured from the Confederate batteries on the river front in Vicksburg as soon as the 
movement was discovered. The Lafayette stood up to this fiery christening and successfully ran the gantlet, as did all the other 
vessels save one transport. She was commanded during the Red River expedition by Lieutenant-Commander J. P. Foster. 


Leaning on the cannon, Commander David Glasgow Farragut and Captain Percival Draytonr chief of staff, stand on the deck of the 
"Hartford," after the victory in Mobile Bay, of August, 1864. When Gustavus V. Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, proposed 
the capture of New Orleans from the southward he was regarded as utterly foolhardy. All that was needed, however, to make Fox s 
plan successful was the man with spirit enough to undertake it and judgment sufficient to carry it out. Here on the deck of the fine new 
sloop-of-war that had been assigned to him as flagship, stands the man who had just accomplished a greater feat that made him a world 
figure as famous as Nelson. The Confederacy had found its great general among its own people, but the great admiral of the war, 
although of Southern birth, had refused to fight against the flag for which, as a boy in the War of 1812, he had seen men die. Full 
of the fighting spirit of the old navy, he was able to achieve the first great victory that gave new hope to the Federal cause. 
Percival Drayton was also a Southerner, a South Carolinian, whose brothers and uncles were fighting for the South. 


How formidable was Farragut s undertaking in forcing his way 
into Mobile Bay is apparent from these photographs. For wooden 
vessels to pass Morgan and Gaines, two of the strongest forts on 
the coast, was pronounced by experts most foolhardy. Besides, 
the channel was planted with torpedoes that might blow the 
ships to atoms, and within the bay was the Confederate ram 
Tennessee, thought to be the most powerful ironclad ever put 
afloat. In the arrangements for the attack, Farragut s flagship, 
the Hartford, was placed second, the 
Brooklyn leading the line of battleships, 
which were preceded by four mon 
itors. At a quarter before sis, on the 
morning of August 5th, the fleet moved. 
Half an hour later it came within range 
of Fort Morgan. The whole undertaking 
was then threatened with disaster. The 
monitor Tecumseh, eager to engage the 
Confederate ram Tennessee behind the 
line of torpedoes, ran straight ahead, 
struck a torpedo, and in a few minutes 
went down with most of the crew. As 
the monitor sank, the Brooklyn recoiled. 
Farragut signaled: "What s the trou 
ble?" "Torpedoes," was the answer. 


"Damn the torpedoes!" shouted Farragut. "Go ahead, Captain 
Drayton. Four bells." Finding that the smoke from the guns 
obstructed the view from the deck, Farragut ascended to the 
rigging of the main mast, where he was in great danger of being 
struck and of falling to the deck. The captain accordingly 
ordered a quartermaster to tie him in the shrouds. The Hart 
ford, under a full head of steam, rushed over the torpedo ground 
far in advance of the fleet. The battle was not yet over. The 
Confederate ram, invulnerable to the 
broadsides of the Union guns, steamed 
alone for the ships, while the ramparts of 
the two forts were crowded with spectators 
of the coming conflict. The ironclad 
monster made straight for the flagship, 
attempting to ram it and paying no atten 
tion to the fire or the ramming of the 
other vessels. Its first effort was unsuc 
cessful, but a second came near proving 
fatal. It then became a target for the 
whole Union fleet; finally its rudder-chain 
was shot away and it became unmanage 
able; in a few minutes it raised the white 
flag. No wonder Americans call Farra 
gut the greatest of naval commanders. 



This vivid photograph, taken 
in Mobile Bay by a war-time 
photographer from New Or 
leans, was presented by Captain 
Dray ton of the "Hartford" to 
T. W. Eastman, U. S. N., whose 
family has courteously allowed 
its reproduction here. Never was 
exhibited a more superb morale 
than on the "Hartford" as she 
steamed in line to the attack of 
Fort Morgan at Mobile Bay on 
the morning of August 5, 1864. 
Every man was at his station 
thinking his own thoughts in 
the suspense of that moment. 
On the quarterdeck stood Cap 
tain Percival Drayton and his 
staff. Near them was the 
chief - quartermaster, John H. 
Knowles, ready to hoist the 
signals that would convey Far- 
ragut s orders to the fleet. The 
admiral himself was in the port 

main shrouds twenty-five feet 
above the deck. All was silence 
aboard till the "Hartford" was 
in easy range of the fort. Then 
the great broadsides of the old 
ship began to take their part in 
the awful cannonade. During 
the early part of the action 
Captain Drayton, fearing that 
some damage to the rigging 
might pitch Farragut over 
board, sent Know r les on his 
famous mission. "I went up," 
said the old sailor, "with a 
piece of lead line and made it 
fast to one of the forward 
shrouds, and then took it around 
the admiral to the after shroud, 
making it fast there. The ad 
miral said, Never mind, I m all 
right, but I went ahead and 
obeyed orders." Later Farragut, 
undoing the lashing with his 
own hands, climbed higher still. 




The battered walls of Fort Morgan, in 1864, tell of a terrific smashing by the Federal navy. But the gallant Confederates returned 
the blows with amazing courage and skill; the rapidity and accuracy of their fire was rarely equalled in the war. In the terrible conflict 
the "Hartford" was struck twenty times, the "Brooklyn" thirty, the "Octorora" seventeen, the "Metacomet" eleven, the "Lacka- 
wanna" five, the "Ossipee" four, the "Monongahela" five, the "Kennebec" two, and the " Galena " seven. Of the monitors the 
"Chickasaw" was struck three times, the "Manhattan" nine, and the " Winnebago" nineteen. The total loss in the Federal fleet was 
52 killed and 170 wounded, while on the Confederate gunboats 12 were killed and 20 wounded. The night after the battle the " Meta 
comet" was turned into a hospital-ship and the wounded of both sides were taken to Pensacola. The pilot of the captured 
"Tennessee" guided the Federal ship through the torpedoes, and as she was leaving Pensacola on her return trip Midshipman 
Carter of the "Tennessee," who also was on the "Metacomet," called out from the wharf: "Don t attempt to fire No. 2 gun (of the 
" Tennessee"), as there is a shell jammed in the bore, and the gun will burst and kill some one." All felt there had been enough bloodshed. 



Mobile Bay, on the morning of August 5, 1804, was the arena of more conspicuous heroism than marked any naval battle-ground of 
the entire war. Among all the daring deeds of that day stands out superlatively the gallant manner in which Admiral Franklin 
Buchanan, C. S. N., fought his vessel, the "Tennessee." "You shall not have it to say when you leave this vessel that you were not 
near enough to the enemy, for I will meet them, and then you can fight them alongside of their own ships; and if I fall, lay me on one 
side and go on with the fight." Thus Buchanan addressed his men, and then, taking his station in the pilot-house, he took his vessel 
into action. The Federal fleet carried more power for destruction than the combined English, French, and Spanish fleets at Trafalgar, 
and yet Buchanan made good his boast that he would fight alongside. No sooner had Farragut crossed the torpedoes than Buchanan 
matched that deed, running through the entire line of Federal vessels, braving their broadsides, and coming to close quarters witli most 
of them. Then the "Tennessee" ran under the guns of Fort Morgan for a breathing space. In half an hour she was steaming up 
the bay to fight the entire squadron single-handed. Such boldness was scarce believable, for Buchanan had now not alone wooden 
ships to contend with, as when in the "Merrimac" he had dismayed the Federals in Hampton Roads. Three powerful monitors were 
to oppose him at point-blank range. For nearly an hour the gunners in the "Tennessee" fought, breathing powder-smoke amid an 
atmosphere superheated to 120 degrees. Buchanan was serving a gun himself when he was wounded and carried to the surgeon s 
table below. Captain Johnston fought on for another twenty minutes, and then the "Tennessee," with her rudder and engines useless 
and unable to fire a gun, was surrendered, after a reluctant consent had been wrung from Buchanan, as he lay on the operating table. 

[Part XI] 


But to Spotsylvania history will accord the palm, I am sure, for hav 
ing furnished an unexampled muzzle-to-muzzle fire ; the longest roll of 
incessant, unbroken musketry; the most splendid exhibition of individual 
heroism and personal daring by large numbers, who, standing in the 
freshly spilt blood of their fellows, faced for so long a period and at so 
short a range the flaming rifles as they heralded the decrees of death. 
This heroism was confined to neither side. It was exhibited by both 
armies, and in that hand-to-hand struggle for the possession of the breast 
works it seemed almost universal. It would be commonplace truism to 
say that such examples will not be lost to the Republic. General John B. 
Gordon, C.S.A., in "Reminiscences of the Civil War" 

IMMEDIATELY after the cessation of hostilities on the 
6th of May in the Wilderness, Grant determined to move 
his army to Spotsylvania Court House, and to start the wagon 
trains on the afternoon of the 7th. Grant s object was, by a 
flank move, to get between Lee and Richmond. Lee foresaw 
Grant s purpose and also moved his cavalry, under Stuart, 
across the opponent s path. As an illustration of the exact 
science of war we see the two great military leaders racing 
for position at Spotsylvania Court House. It was revealed 
later that Lee had already made preparations on this field a 
year before, in anticipation of its being a possible battle 

Apprised of the movement of the Federal trains, Lee, 
with his usual sagacious foresight, surmised their destination. 
He therefore ordered General R. H. Anderson, now in com 
mand of Longstreet s corps, to march to Spotsylvania Court 
House at three o clock on the morning of the 8th. But the 
smoke and flames from the burning forests that surrounded 





Anderson s camp in the Wilderness made the position unten 
able, and the march was begun at eleven o clock on the night 
of the 7th. This early start proved of inestimable value to 
the Confederates. Anderson s right, in the Wilderness, rested 
opposite Hancock s left, and the Confederates secured a more 
direct line of march to Spotsylvania, several miles shorter than 
that of the Federals. The same night General Ewell at the 
extreme Confederate left was ordered to follow Anderson at 
daylight, if he found no large force in his front. This order 
was followed out, there being no opposing troops, and the 
corps took the longest route of any of Lee s troops. General 
Ewell found the march exhausting and distressing on account 
of the intense heat and dust and smoke from the burning 

The Federal move toward Spotsylvania Court House was 
begun after dark on the 7th. Warren s corps, in the lead, took 
the Brock road behind Hancock s position and was followed 
by Sedgwick, who marched by way of Chancellorsville. Burn- 
side came next, but he was halted to guard the trains. Han 
cock, covering the move, did not start the head of his command 
until some time after daylight. When Warren reached Todd s 
Tavern he found the Union cavalry under Merrill in conflict 
with Fitzhugh Lee s division of Stuart s cavalry. Warren 
sent Robinson s division ahead; it drove Fitzhugh Lee back, 
and, advancing rapidly, met the head of Anderson s troops. 
The leading brigades came to the assistance of the cavalry; 
Warren was finally repulsed and began entrenching. The 
Confederates gained Spotsylvania Court House. 

Throughout the day there was continual skirmishing be 
tween the troops, as the Northerners attempted to break the 
line of the Confederates. But the men in gray stood firm. 
Every advance of the blue was repulsed. Lee again blocked 
the way of Grant s move. The Federal loss during the day 
had been about thirteen hundred, while the Confederates lost 
fewer men than their opponents. 


Although secure in his fame as the conqueror of Vicksburg, Grant still has the greater part of his destiny to fulfil as he faces 
the camera. Before him lie the Wilderness, Spotsylvania, Cold Harbor, and the slow investment of Petersburg. This series 
forms a particularly interesting study in expression. At the left hand, the face looks almost amused. In the next the ex 
pression is graver, the mouth close set. The third picture looks plainly obstinate, and in the last the stern fighter might, 
have been declaring, as in the following spring: "I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." The eyes, 
first unveiled fully in this fourth view, are the unmistakable index to Grant s stern inflexibility, once his decision was made. 

Here is a furrowed brow above eyes worn by pain. In the pictures of the previous year the forehead is more smooth, the 
expression grave yet confident. Here the expression is that of a man who has won, but won at a bitter cost. It is the memory 
of the 50,000 men whom he left in the Wilderness campaign and at Cold Harbor that has lined this brow, and closed still 
tighter this inflexible mouth. Again, as in the series above, the eyes are not revealed until the last picture. Then again 
flashes the determination of a hero. The great general s biographers say that Grant was a man of sympathy and infinite 
pity. It was the more difficult for him, spurred on to the duty by grim necessity, to order forward the lines in blue that 
withered, again and again, before the Confederate fire, but each time weakened the attenuated line which confronted them. 

mtb tty 

Attgte * 


The work of both was now the construction of entrench 
ments, which consisted of earthworks sloping to either side, 
with logs as a parapet, and between these works and the op 
posing army were constructed what are known as abatis, felled 
trees, with the branches cut off, the sharp ends projecting 
toward the approaching forces. 

Lee s entrenchments were of such character as to increase 
the efficiency of his force. They w r ere formed in the shape 
of a huge V with the apex flattened, forming a salient angle 
against the center of the Federal line. The Confederate lines 
were facing north, northwest, and northeast, the corps com 
manded by Anderson on the left, Ewell in the center, and 
Early on the right, the latter temporarily replacing A. P. 
Hill, who was ill. The Federals confronting them were Burn- 
side on the left, Sedgwick and Warren in the center, and 
Hancock on the right. 

The day of the 9th was spen,t in placing the lines of 
troops, with no fighting except skirmishing and some sharp- 
shooting. While placing some field-pieces, General Sedgwick 
was hit by a sharpshooter s bullet and instantly killed. He 
was a man of high character, a most competent commander, 
of fearless courage, loved and lamented by the army. Gen 
eral Horatio G. Wright succeeded to the command of the 
Sixth Corps. 

Early on the morning of the 10th, the Confederates dis 
covered that Hancock had crossed the Po River in front of 
his position of the day before and was threatening their rear. 
Grant had suspected that Lee \vas about to move north toward 
Fredericksburg, and Hancock had been ordered to make a 
reconnaissance with a view to attacking and turning the Con 
federate left. But difficulties stood in the w r ay of Hancock s 
performance, and before he had accomplished much, Meade 
directed him to send two of his divisions to assist Warren in 
making an attack on the Southern lines. The Second Corps 
started to recross the Po. Before all were over Early made 




To the right of General Meade, his chief and friend, stands Major-General John Sedgwick, commanding 
the Sixth Army Corps. He wears his familiar round hat and is smiling. He was a great tease; evidently 
the performances of the civilian who had brought his new-fangled photographic apparatus into camp sug 
gested a joke. A couple of months later, on the 9th of May, Sedgwick again was jesting before Spot- 
sylvania Court House. McMahon of his staff had begged him to avoid passing some artillery exposed to 
the Confederate fire, to which Sedgwick had playfully replied, "McMahon, I would like to know who 
commands this corps, you or I?" Then he ordered some infantry before him to shift toward the right. 
Their movement drew the fire of the Confederates. The lines were close together; the situation tense. A 
sharpshooter s bullet whistled Sedgwick fell. He was taken to Meade s headquarters. The Army of 
the Potomac had lost another corps commander, and the Union a brilliant and courageous soldier. 



a vigorous assault on the rear division, which did not escape 
without heavy loss. In this engagement the corps lost the 
first gun in its most honorable career, a misfortune deeply 
lamented by every man in the corps, since up to this moment 
it had long been the only one in the entire army which could 
make the proud claim of never having lost a gun or a color. 

But the great event of the 10th was the direct assault 
upon the Confederate front. Meade had arranged for Han 
cock to take charge of this, and the appointed hour was five 
in the afternoon. But Warren reported earlier that the op 
portunity was most favorable, and he was ordered to start at 
once. Wearing his full uniform, the leader of the Fifth Corps 
advanced at a quarter to four with the greater portion of his 
troops. The progress of the valiant Northerners was one of 
the greatest difficulty, owing to the dense wood of low cedar- 
trees through which they had to make their way. Longstreet s 
corps behind their entrenchments acknowledged the advance 
with very heavy artillery and musket fire. But Warren s 
troops did not falter or pause until some had reached the 
abatis and others the very crest of the parapet. A few, indeed, 
were actually killed inside the works. All, however, who sur 
vived the terrible ordeal were finally driven back with heavy 
loss. General James C. Rice was mortally wounded. 

To the left of Warren, General Wright had observed 
what he believed to be a vulnerable spot in the Confederate 
entrenchments. Behind this particular place was stationed 
Doles brigade of Georgia regiments, and Colonel Emory 
Upton was ordered to charge Doles with a column of twelve 
regiments in four lines. The ceasing of the Federal artillery 
at six o clock was the signal for the charge, and twenty min 
utes later, as Upton tells us, " at command, the lines rose, 
moved noiselessly to the edge of the wood, and then, with a 
wild cheer and faces averted, rushed for the works. Through 
a terrible front and flank fire the column advanced quickly, 
gaining the parapet. Here occurred a deadly hand-to-hand 




For miles around this quaint old village-pump surged the lines of two vast con 
tending armies, May 8-12, 1864. In this picture of only a few months later, the 
inhabitants have returned to their accustomed quiet, although the reverberations 
of battle have hardly died away. But on May 7th Generals Grant and Meade, 
with their staffs, had started toward the little courthouse. As they passed along 
the Brock Road in the rear of Hancock s lines, the men broke into loud hurrahs. 
They saw that the movement was still to be southward. But chance had caused 
Lee to choose the same objective. Misinterpreting Grant s movement as a retreat 
upon Fredericksburg, he sent Longstreet s corps, now commanded by Anderson, 
to Spotsylvania. Chance again, in the form of a forest fire, drove Anderson to 
make, on the night of May 7th, the march from the Wilderness that he had been 
ordered to commence on the morning of the 8th. On that day, while Warren was 
contending with the forces of Anderson, Lee s whole army was entrenching on 
a ridge around Spotsylvania Court House. "Accident," says Grant, "often 
decides the fate of battle." But this "accident" was one of Lee s master moves. 


conflict. The enemy, sitting in their pits with pieces upright, 
loaded, and with bayonets fixed ready to impale the first who 
should leap over, absolutely refused to yield the ground. The 
first of our men who tried to surmount the works fell, pierced 
through the head by musket-balls. Others, seeing the fate of 
their comrades, held their pieces at arm s length and fired 
downward, while others, poising their pieces vertically, hurled 
them down upon their enemy, pinning them to the ground. 
. . . The struggle lasted but a few seconds. Numbers pre 
vailed, and like a resistless wave, the column poured over the 
works, quickly putting hors de combat those who resisted and 
sending to the rear those who surrendered. Pressing forward 
and expanding to the right and left, the second line of 
entrenchments, its line of battle, and a battery fell into our 
hands. The column of assault had accomplished its task." 

The Confederate line had been shattered and an opening 
made for expected support. This, however, failed to arrive. 
General Mott, on the left, did not bring his division forward 
as had been planned and as General Wright had ordered. 
The Confederates were reenforced, and Upton could do no 
more than hold the captured entrenchments until ordered to 
retire. He brought twelve hundred prisoners and several 
stands of colors back to the Union lines; but over a thousand 
of his own men were killed or wounded. For gallantry dis 
played in this charge, Colonel Upton was made brigadier- 

The losses to the Union army in this engagement at 
Spotsylvania were over four thousand. The loss to the Con 
federates was probably two thousand. 

During the llth there was a pause. The two giant an 
tagonists took a breathing spell. It was on the morning of this 
date that Grant penned the sentence, " I propose to fight it 
out on this line if it takes all summer," to his chief of staff, 
General Halleck. 

During this time Sheridan, who had brought the cavalry 




I / 




McCool s house, within the "Bloody Angle." The photographs 
were taken in 1864, shortly after the struggle of Spotsylvania 
Court House, and show the old dwelling as it was on May 12th, 
when the fighting was at flood tide all round it; and below, the 
Confederate entrenchments near that blood-drenched spot. At 
a point in these Confederate lines in advance of the McCool 
house, the entrenchments had been 
thrown forward like the salient of a 
fort, and the wedge-shaped space 
within them was destined to become 
renowned as the "Bloody Angle." 
The position was defended by the 
famous "Stonewall Division" of the 
Confederates under command of Gen 
eral Edward Johnson. It was near 
the scene of Upton s gallant charge on 
the 10th. Here at daybreak on May 
12th the divisions of the intrepid Bar 
low and Birney, sent forward by Hancock, stole a march upon 
the unsuspecting Confederates. Leaping over the breastworks 
the Federals were upon them and tLe first of the terrific hand- 
to-hand conflicts that marked the day began. It ended in victory 
for Hancock s men, into whose hands fell 20 cannon, 30 standards 
and 4,000 prisoners, "the best division in the Confederate army." 


Flushed with success, the Federals pressed on to Lee s second 
line of works, where Wilcox s division of the Confederates held 
them until re enforcements sent by Lee from Hill and Anderson 
drove them back. On the Federal side the Sixth Corps, with 
Upton s brigade in the advance, was hurried forward to hold the 
advantage gained. But Lee himself was on the scene, and the 
men of the gallant Gordon s division, 
pausing long enough to seize and turn 
his horse, with shouts of "General 
Lee in the rear," hurtled forward into 
the conflict. In five separate charges 
by the Confederates the fighting came 
to close quarters. With bayonets, 
clubbed muskets, swords and pistols, 
men fought within two feet of one an 
other on either side of the entrench 
ments at "Bloody Angle" till night at 
last left it in possession of the Fed 
erals. None of the fighting near Spotsylvania Court House was 
inglorious. On the 10th, after a day of strengthening positions on 
both sides, young Colonel Emory Upton of the 121st New York, led 
a storming party of twelve regiments into the strongest of the 
Confederate entrenchments. For his bravery Grant made him a 
brigadier-general on the field. 

pntaglvtama anfc ttjr Blnnhg Attgte 



up to a state of great efficiency, was making an expedition to 
the vicinity of Richmond. He had said that if he were per 
mitted to operate independently of the army he would draw 
Stuart after him. Grant at once gave the order, and Sheridan 
made a detour around Lee s army, engaging and defeating 
the Confederate cavalry, which he greatly outnumbered, on 
the llth of May, at Yellow Tavern, where General Stuart, 
the brilliant commander of the Confederate cavalry, was mor 
tally wounded. 

Grant carefully went over the ground and decided upon 
another attack on the 12th. About four hundred yards of 
clear ground lay in front of the sharp angle, or salient, of Lee s 
lines. After the battle this point was known as the " Bloody 
Angle," and also as " Hell s Hole." Here Hancock was 
ordered to make an attack at daybreak on the 12th. Lee had 
been expecting a move on the part of Grant. On the evening 
of the 10th he sent to Ewell this message: " It will be neces 
sary for you to reestablish your whole line to-night. . . . 
Perhaps Grant will make a night attack, as it was a favorite 
amusement of his at Vicksburg." 

Through rain and mud Hancock s force was gotten into 
position within a few hundred yards of the Confederate breast 
works. He was now between Burnside and Wright. At the 
first approach of dawn the four divisions of the Second Corps, 
under Birney, Mott, Barlow, and Gibbon (in reserve) moved 
noiselessly to the designated point of attack. Without a shot 
being fired they reached the Confederate entrenchments, and 
struck with fury and impetuosity a mortal blow at the point 
where least expected, on the salient, held by General Edward 
Johnson of Eiwell s corps. The movement of the Federals 
was so swift and the surprise so complete, that the Confed 
erates could make practically no resistance, and were forced 
to surrender. 

The artillery had been withdrawn from the earthworks 
occupied by Johnson s troops on the previous night, but 




The artillery massing in the meadow gives to this view the interest of an impending tragedy. In the foreground 
the officers, servants, and orderlies of the headquarters mess camp are waiting for the command to strike their 
tents, pack the wagons, and move on. But at the very time this photograph was taken they should have been 
miles away. Grant had issued orders the day before that should have set these troops in motion. However, the 
Confederate General Ewell had chosen the 18th to make an attack on the right flank. It not only delayed the 
departure but forced a change in the intended positions of the division as they had been contemplated by the 
commander-in-chief. Beverly House is where General Warren pitched his headquarters after Spotsylvania, 
and the spectator is looking toward the battlefield that lies beyond the distant woods. After Ewell s attack, 
Warren again found himself on the right flank, and at this very moment the main body of the Federal army is 
passing in the rear of him. The costly check at Spotsylvania, with its wonderful display of fighting on both 
sides, had in its apparently fruitless results called for the display of all Grant s gifts as a military leader. It 
takes but little imagination to supply color to this photograph; it is full of it full of the movement and detail 
of war also. It is springtime; blossoms have just left the trees and the whole country is green and smiling, but 
the earth is scarred by thousands of trampling feet and hoof-prints. Ugly ditches cross the landscape; the debris 
of an army marks its onsweep from one battlefield to another. 

developments had led to an order to have it returned early in 
the morning. It was approaching as the attack was made. 
Before the artillerymen could escape or turn the guns upon 
the Federals, every cannon had been captured. General John 
son with almost his whole division, numbering about three 
thousand, and General Steuart, were captured, between twenty 
and thirty colors, and several thousand stands of arms were 
taken. Hancock had already distinguished himself as a leader 
of his soldiers, and from his magnificent appearance, noble 
bearing, and courage had been called " Hancock the Superb," 
but this was the most brilliant of his military achievements. 

Pressing onward across the first defensive line of the 
Confederates, Hancock s men advanced against the second 
series of trenches, nearly half a mile beyond. As the Federals 
pushed through the muddy fields they lost all formation. 
They reached close to the Confederate line. The Southerners 
were prepared for the attack. A volley poured into the throng 
of blue, and General Gordon with his reserve division rushed 
forward, fighting desperately to drive the Northerners back. 
As they did so General Lee rode up, evidently intending to 
go forward with Gordon. His horse was seized by one of the 
soldiers, and for the second time in the campaign the cry arose 
from the ranks, " Lee to the rear! " The beloved commander 
was led back from the range of fire, while the men, under the 
inspiration of his example, rushed forward in a charge that 
drove the Federals back until they had reached the outer line 
of works. Here they fought stubbornly at deadly range. 
Neither side was able to force the other back. But Gordon 
was not able to cope with the entire attack. Wright and War 
ren both sent some of their divisions to reenforce Hancock, 
and Lee sent all the assistance possible to the troops struggling 
so desperately to restore his line at the salient. 

Many vivid and picturesque descriptions of this fighting 
at the angle have been written, some by eye-witnesses, others 
by able historians, but no printed page, no cold type can 




These are some of the men for whom waiting women wept the ones who never came back. Tr-v be 
longed to E well s Corps, who attacked the Federal lines so gallantly on May 18th. There may be ,*.-_ 
will turn from this picture with a shudder of horror, but it is no morbid curiosity that will cause them to 
study it closely. If pictures such as this were familiar everywhere there would soon be an end of war. We 
can realize money by seeing it expressed in figures; we can realize distances by miles, but some things in 
their true meaning can only be grasped and impressions formed with th e seeing eye. Visualizing only 
this small item of the awful cost the cost beside which money cuts no figure an idea can be gained of what 
war is. Here is a sermon in the cause of universal peace. The handsome lad lying with outstretched 
arms and clinched fingers is a mute plea. Death has not disfigured him he lies in an attitude of relaxa 
tion and composure. Perhaps in some Southern home this same face is pictured in the old family album, 
alert and full of life and hope, and here is the end. Does there not come to the mind the insistent question, 
"Why?" ^he Federal soldiers standing in the picture are not thinking of all this, it may be true, but 
had they meditated in the way that some may, as they gaze at this record of death, it would be worth their 
while. One of the men is apparently holding a sprig of blossoms in his hand. It is a strange note here. 

convey to the mind the realities of that terrible conflict. The 
results were appalling. The whole engagement was prac 
tically a hand-to-hand contest. The dead lay beneath the feet 
of the living, three and four layers deep. This hitherto quiet 
spot of earth was devastated and covered with the slain, wel 
tering in their own blood, mangled and shattered into scarcely 
a semblance of human form. Dying men were crushed by 
horses and many, buried beneath the mire and mud, still lived. 
Some artillery was posted on high ground not far from the 
apex of the salient, and an incessant fire was poured into the 
Confederate works over the Union lines, while other guns kept 
up an enfilade of canister along the west of the salient. 

The contest from the right of the Sixth to the left of the 
Second Corps was kept up throughout the day along the 
whole line. Repeatedly the trenches had to be cleared of the 
dead. An oak tree twenty-two inches in diameter was cut 
down by musket-balls. Men leaped upon the breastworks, 
firing until shot down. 

The battle of the " angle " is said to have been the most 
awful in duration and intensity in modern times. Battle-line 
after battle-line, bravely obeying orders, was annihilated. The 
entrenchments were shivered and shattered, trunks of trees 
carved into split brooms. Sometimes the contestants came so 
close together that their muskets met, muzzle to muzzle, and 
their flags almost intertwined with each other as they waved 
in the breeze. As they fought with the desperation of madmen, 
the living would stand on the bodies of the dead to reach over 
the breastworks with their weapons of slaughter. Lee hurled 
his army with unparalleled vigor against his opponent five 
times during the day, but each time was repulsed. Until three 
o clock the next morning the slaughter continued, when the 
Confederates sank back into their second line of entrenchments, 
leaving their opponents where they had stood in the morning. 

All the fighting on the 12th was not done at the " Bloody 
Angle." Burnside on the left of Hancock engaged Early s 


It fell to the duty of the First Massachusetts Heavy Artillery of General Tyler s division to put under ground the men they slew in 
the sharp battle of May 18th, and here they are near Mrs. Allsop s barn digging the trench to hide the dreadful work of bullet and 
shot and shell. No feeling of bitterness exists in moments sueh as these. What soldier in the party knows but what it may be his 
turn next to lie beside other lumps of clay and join his earth-mother in this same fashion in his turn. But men become used to work 
of any kind, and these men digging up the warm spring soil, when their labor is concluded, are neither oppressed nor nerve-shattered 
by what they have seen and done. They have lost the power of experiencing sensation. Senses become numbed in a measure; the 
value of life itself from close and constant association with death is minimized almost to the vanishing point. In half an hour these 
very men may be singing and laughing as if war and death were only things to be expected, not reasoned over in the least. 


attft tip 

Attgb $ 



troops and was defeated, while on the other side of the salient 
Wright succeeded in driving Anderson back. 

The question has naturally arisen why that " salient " 
was regarded of such vital importance as to induce the two 
chief commanders to force their armies into such a hand-to- 
hand contest that must inevitably result in unparalleled and 
wholesale slaughter. It was manifest, however, that Grant 
had shown generalship in finding the weak point in Lee s line 
for attack. It was imperative that he hold the gain made by 
his troops. Lee could ill afford the loss resistance would entail, 
but he could not withdraw his army during the day without 

The men on both sides seemed to comprehend the gravity 
of the situation, that it was a battle to the death for that little 
point of entrenchment. Without urging by officers, and some 
times without officers, they fell into line and fought and bled 
and died in myriads as though inspired by some unseen power. 
Here men rushed to their doom with shouts of courage and 

The pity of it all was manifested by the shocking scene 
on that battlefield the next day. Piles of dead lay around 
the " Bloody Angle," a veritable " Hell s Hole " on both sides 
of the entrenchments, four layers deep in places, shattered and 
torn by bullets and hoofs and clubbed muskets, while beneath 
the layers of dead, it is said, there could be seen quivering 
limbs of those who still lived. 

General Grant was deeply moved at the terrible loss of 
life. When he expressed his regret for the heavy sacrifice of 
men to General Meade, the latter replied, " General, we can t 
do these little tricks without heavy losses." The total loss to 
the Union army in killed, wounded, and missing at Spotsyl- 
vania was nearly eighteen thousand. The Confederate losses 
have never been positively known, but from the best available 
sources of information the number has been placed at not less 
than nine thousand men. Lee s loss in high officers was very 



This redoubt covered Taylor s Bridge, but its flanks were swept by artillery and an enfilading fire 
from rifle-pits across the river. Late in the evening of the 23d, Hancock s corps, arriving before the 
redoubt, had assaulted it with two brigades and easily carried it. During the night the Confederates 
from the other side made two attacks upon the bridge and finally succeeded in setting it afire. The 
flames were extinguished by the Federals, and on the 24th Hancock s troops crossed over without oppo 
sition. The easy crossing of the Federals here was but another example of Lee s favorite rule to let his 
antagonist attack him on the further side of a stream. Taylor s Bridge could easily have been held by 
Lee for a much longer time, but its ready abandonment was part of the tactics by which Grant was being 
led into a military dilemma. In the picture the Federal soldiers confidently hold the captured redoubt, 
convinced that the possession of it meant that they had driven Lee to his last corner. 


severe, the killed including General Daniel and General Per- 
rin, while Generals Walker, Ramseur, R. D. Johnston, and 
McGowan were severely wounded. In addition to the loss of 
these important commanders, Lee was further crippled in 
efficient commanders by the capture of Generals Edward John 
son and Steuart. The Union loss in high officers was light, 
excepting General Sedgwick on the 9th. General Webb was 
wounded, and Colonel Coon, of the Second Corps, was killed. 
/ Lee s forces had been handled with such consummate skill 
as to make them count one almost for two, and there was the 
spirit of devotion for Lee among his soldiers which Vas indeed 
practically hero-worship. All in all, he had an army, though 
shattered and worn, that was almost unconquerable. Grant 
found that ordinary methods of war, even such as he had ex 
perienced in the West, were not applicable to the Army of 
Northern Virginia. The only hope for the Union army was 
a long-drawn-out process, and with larger numbers, better 
kept, and more often relieved, Grant s army would ultimately 
make that of Lee s succumb, from sheer exhaustion and dis 

The battle was not terminated on the 12th. During the 
next five days there was a continuous movement of the Union 
corps to the east which was met by a corresponding readjust 
ment of the Confederate lines. After various maneuvers, 
Hancock was ordered to the point where the battle was fought 
on the 12th, and on the 18th and 19th, the last effort was made 
to break the lines of the Confederates. Ewell, however, drove 
the Federals back and the next day he had a severe engage 
ment with the Union left wing, while endeavoring to find out 
something of Grant s plans. 

Twelve days of active effort were thus spent in skirmish 
ing, fighting, and countermarching. In the last two engage 
ments the Union losses were nearly two thousand, which are 
included in those before stated. It was decided to abandon the 
attempt to dislodge Lee from his entrenchments, and to move 

GHT, 1911, REVIEW 





The sign posted by the local authorities at Taylor s bridge, where the Telegraph Road crosses the North 
Anna, was "Walk your horses." The wooden structure was referred to by the military as Chesterfield 
bridge. Here Hancock s Corps arrived toward evening of May 23d, and the Confederate entrenchments, 
showing in the foreground, were seized by the old "Berry Brigade." In the heat of the charge the Ninety- 
third New York carried their colors to the middle of the bridge, driving off the Confederates before they 
could destroy it. When the Federals began crossing next day they had to run the gantlet of musketry 
and artillery fire from the opposite bank. Several regiments of New York heavy artillery poured across the 
structure at the double-quick with the hostile shells bursting about their heads. When Captain Sleeper s 
Eighteenth Massachusetts battery began crossing, the Confederate cannoneers redoubled their efforts to 
blow up the ammunition by well-aimed shots. Sleeper passed over only one piece at a time in order to 
diminish the target and enforce the observance of the local law by walking his horses ! The Second Corps 
got no further than the ridge beyond, where Lee s strong V formation held it from further advance. 


to the North Anna River. On the 20th of May the march 
was resumed. The men had suffered great hardships from 
hunger, exposure, and incessant action, and many would fall 
asleep on the line of march. 

On the day after the start, Hancock crossed the Matta- 
pony River at one point and Warren at another. Hancock 
was ordered to take position on the right bank and, if prac 
ticable, to attack the Confederates wherever found. By the 
22d, Wright and Burnside came up and the march proceeded. 
But the vigilant Lee had again detected the plans of his 

Meade s army had barely started in its purpose to turn 
the Confederates flank when the Southern forces were on the 
way to block the army of the North. As on the march from 
the Wilderness to Spotsylvania, Lee s troops took the shorter 
route, along main roads, and reached the North Anna ahead 
of the Federals. Warren s corps was the first of Meade s 
army to arrive at the north bank of the river, which it did on 
the afternoon of May 23d. Lee was already on the south 
bank, but Warren crossed without opposition. No sooner 
had he gotten over, however, than he was attacked by the Con 
federates and a severe but undecisive engagement followed. 
The next morning (the 24th) Hancock and Wright put their 
troops across at places some miles apart, and before these two 
wings of the army could be joined, Lee made a brilliant stroke 
by marching in between them, forming a wedge whose point 
rested on the bank, opposite the Union center, under Burnside, 
which had not yet crossed the river. 

The Army of the Potomac was now in three badly sepa 
rated parts. Burnside could not get over in sufficient strength 
to reenforce the wings, and all attempts by the latter to aid 
him in so doing met with considerable disaster. The loss in 
these engagements approximated two thousand on each side. 

On the 25th, Sheridan and his cavalry rejoined the army. 
They had been gone since the 9th and their raid was most 

{ . 
ffi A 





MAY, 1864 

More of the awful toll of 36,000 taken from the Union army during the terrible Wilderness cam 
paign. The Sanitary Commission is visiting the field hospital established near the Rappahannock 
River, a mile or so from the heights, where lay at the same time the wounded from these terrific conflicts. 
Although the work of this Commission was only supplementary after 1862, they continued to supply many 
delicacies, and luxuries such as crutches, which did not form part of the regular medical corps paraphernalia. 
The effect of their work can be seen here, and also the appearance of men after the shock of gunshot wounds. 
All injuries during the war practically fell under three headings: incised and punctured wounds, comprising 
saber cuts, bayonet stabs, and sword thrusts; miscellaneous, from falls, blows from blunt weapons, and 
various accidents; lastly, and chiefly, gunshot wounds. The war came prior to the demonstration of the fact 
that the causes of disease and suppurative conditions are living organisms of microscopic size. Septicemia, 
erysipelas, lockjaw, and gangrene were variously attributed to dampness and a multitude of other conditions. 

successful. Besides the decisive victory over the Confederate 
cavalry at Yellow Tavern, they had destroyed several depots 
of supplies, four trains of cars, and many miles of railroad 
track. Nearly four hundred Federal prisoners on their way 
to Richmond had been rescued from their captors. The dash 
ing cavalrymen had even carried the first line of work around 
Richmond, and had made a detour down the James to com 
municate with General Butler. Grant was highly satisfied 
with Sheridan s performance. It had been of the greatest 
assistance to him, as it had drawn off the whole of the Con 
federate cavalry, and made the guarding of the wagon trains 
an easy matter. 

But here, on the banks of the North Anna, Grant had 
been completely checkmated by Lee. He realized this and 
decided on a new move, although he still clung to his idea of 
turning the Confederate right. The Federal wings were with 
drawn to the north side of the river during the night of May 
26th and the whole set in motion for the Pamunkey River at 
Hanovertown. Two divisions of Sheridan s cavalry and War 
ren s corps were in advance. Lee lost no time in pursuing his 
great antagonist, but for the first time the latter was able to 
hold his lead. Along the Totopotomoy, on the afternoon of 
May 28th, infantry and cavalry of both armies met in a 
severe engagement in which the strong position of Lee s troops 
again foiled Grant s purpose. The Union would have to try 
at some other point, and on the 31st Sheridan s cavalry took 
possession of Cold Harbor. This was to be the next battle 



This photograph of May 30, 1864, shows the Federal cavalry in actual operation of a most important func 
tion the "screening" of the army s movements. The troopers are guarding the evacuation of Port Royal 
on the Rappahannock, May 30, 1864. After the reverse to the Union arms at Spottsylvania, Grant or 
dered the change of base from the Rappahannock to McClellan s former starting-point, White House on 
the Pamunkey. The control of the waterways, combined with Sheridan s efficient use of the cavalry, made 
this an easy matter. Torbert s division encountered Gordon s brigade of Confederate cavalry at Hanover- 
town and drove it in the direction of Hanover Court House. Gregg s division moved up to this line; Rus 
sell s division of infantry encamped near the river-crossing in support, and behind the mask thus formed 
the Army of the Potomac crossed the Pamunkey on May 28th unimpeded. Gregg was then ordered to recon- 
noiter towards Mechanicsville, and after a severe fight at Hawes shop he succeeded (with the assistance of 
Custer s brigade) in driving Hampton s and Fitzhugh Lee s cavalry divisions and Butler s brigade from the 
field. Although the battle took place immediately in front of the Federal infantry, General Meade declined 
to put the latter into action, and the battle was won by the cavalry alone. It was not to be the last time. 


Cold Harbor is, I think, the only battle I ever fought that I would not 
fight over again under the circumstances. I have always regretted that 
the last assault at Cold Harbor was ever made. General U. S, Grant in 
his " Memoirs. " 

A CCORDING to Grant s well-made plans of march, the 
A\. various corps of the Army of the Potomac set out from 
the banks of the North Anna on the night of May 26, 1864, 
at the times and by the routes assigned to them. Early on 
the morning of May 27th Lee set his force in motion by the 
Telegraph road and such others as were available, across the 
Little and South Anna rivers toward Ashland and Atlee s 
Station on the Virginia Central Railroad. 

Thus the armies were stretched like two live wires along 
the swampy bottom-lands of eastern Virginia, and as they 
came in contact, here and there along the line, there were 
the inevitable sputterings of flame and considerable destruc 
tion wrought. The advance Federal infantry crossed the 
Pamunkey, after the cavalry, at Hanoverstown, early on May 
28th. The Second Corps was close behind the Sixth; the Fifth 
was over by noon, while the Ninth, now an integral portion of 
the Army of the Potomac, passed the river by midnight. 

On the 31st General Sheridan reached Cold Harbor, 
which Meade had ordered him to hold at all hazards. This 
place, probably named after the old home of some English 
settler, was not a town but the meeting-place of several roads 
of great strategic importance to the Federal army. They led 
not only toward Richmond by the way of the upper Chicka- 
hominy bridges, but in the direction of White House Landing, 
on the Pamunkey River. 

Both Lee and Meade had received reenforcements the 








Between these luxuriant banks stretch the pontoons and bridges to facilitate the rapid crossing of the North Anna by Hancock s Corps 
on May 24th. Thus was completed the passage to the south of the stream of the two wings of the Army of the Potomac. But when 
the center under Burnside was driven back and severely handled at Ox Ford, Grant immediately detached a brigade each from Han 
cock and Warren to attack the apex of Lee s wedge on the south bank of the river, but the position was too strong to justify the at 
tempt. Then it dawned upon the Federal general-in-chief that Lee had cleaved the Army of the Potomac into two separated 
bodies. To reenforce either wing would require two crossings of the river, while Lee could quickly march troops from one side to the 
other within his impregnable wedge. As Grant put it in his report, " To make a direct attack from either wing would cause a slaughter 
of our men that even success would not justify." 

ttark anJt 

at (M& Ijarbur 



former by Breckinridge, and the scattered forces in western 
Virginia, and by Pickett and Hoke from North Carolina. 
From Bermuda Hundred where General Butler was " bottled 
up " to use a phrase which Grant employed and afterward re 
gretted General W. F. Smith was ordered to bring the 
Eighteenth Corps of the Army of the James to the assistance 
of Meade, since Butler could defend his position perfectly 
well with a small force, and could make no headway against 
Beauregard with a large one. Grant had now nearly one 
hundred and fourteen thousand troops and Lee about eighty 

Sheridan s appearance at Cold Harbor was resented in 
vain by Fitzhugh Lee, and the next morning, June 1st, the 
Sixth Corps arrived, followed by General Smith and ten 
thousand men of the Eighteenth, who had hastened from the 
landing-place at White House. These took position on the 
right of the Sixth, and the Federal line was promptly faced 
by Longstreet s corps, a part of A. P. Hill s, and the divisions 
of Hoke and Breckinridge. At six o clock in the afternoon 
Wright and Smith advanced to the attack, which Hoke and 
Kershaw received with courage and determination. The Con 
federate line was broken in several places, but before night 
checked the struggle the Southerners had in some degree re 
gained their position. The short contest was a severe one for 
the Federal side. Wright lost about twelve hundred men and 
Smith one thousand. 

The following day the final dispositions were made for 
the mighty struggle that would decide Grant s last chance to 
interpose between Lee and Richmond. Hancock and the Sec 
ond Corps arrived at Cold Harbor and took position on the 
left of General Wright. Burnside, with the Ninth Corps, was 
placed near Bethesda Church on the road to Mechanicsville, 
while Warren, with the Fifth, came to his left and connected 
with Smith s right. Sheridan was sent to hold the lower 
Chickahominy bridges and to cover the road to White House, 


3 S- 


I - 















































































1 1- 





































































: ~ 





- _3 w r O 

.ti - fe ^ 

^ JJ w - ^3 

c 5 3 i 

o TV e i 

C ^3 


C 7; 

5 O 

c -5 

1) 4J S -O 
K 4- Oi D 

? .* ^2 -e 

PH ^> 

p c^ 

.^ 13 _r1 

53 O ^ 

>. .- 



4 & - 

o -i 


13 O 
^ 5 


"S -S ^ 

S7 l/J O V <*J 

i h ^ j i ^ 

*H a P--I 

9 .** 

1 i 5 a 

^ I t * 

^ ^ 

J2 ^ "O 

^ S ^ 
J3 S 13 







































_ = 




































ary proxi 

















a s 


2 .g 

O ^ 03 

i I i 

-5 1 

i = = 

3 -TJ * 

> P 

.S ft ^ 


c o 

US -O 

& ^ 1 


g ^ W 

H > 

M O S 

a "9 ^ 







which was now the base of supplies. On the Southern side 
Ewell s corps, now commanded by General Early, faced Burn- 
side s and Warren s. Longstreet s corps, still under Ander 
son, was opposite Wright and Smith, while A. P. Hill, on 
the extreme right, confronted Hancock. There was sharp 
fighting during the entire day, but Early did not succeed in 
getting upon the Federal right flank, as he attempted to do. 

Both armies lay very close to each other and were well 
entrenched. Lee was naturally strong on his right, and his 
left was difficult of access, since it must be approached through 
wooded swamps. Well-placed batteries made artillery fire 
from front and both flanks possible, but Grant decided to 
attack the whole Confederate front, and word was sent to the 
corps commanders to assault at half -past four the following 

The hot sultry weather of the preceding days had brought 
much suffering. The movement of troops and wagons raised 
clouds of dust which settled down upon the sweltering men 
and beasts. But five o clock on the afternoon of June 2d 
brought the grateful rain, and this continued during the night, 
giving great relief to the exhausted troops. 

( At the hour designated the Federal lines moved promptly 
from their shallow rifle-pits toward the Confederate works. 
The main assault was made by the Second, Sixth, and Eigh 
teenth corps. With determined and firm step they started to 
cross the space between the opposing entrenchments. The 
silence of the dawning summer morning was broken by the 
screams of musket-ball and canister and shell. That move of 
the Federal battle-line opened the fiery furnace across the 
intervening space, which was, in the next instant, a Vesuvius, 
pouring tons and tons of steel and lead into the moving 
human mass. From front, from right and left, artillery 
crashed and swept the field, musketry and grape hewed and 
mangled and mowed down the line of blue as it moved on its 


The battle of Cold Harbor on June 3d was the 
third tremendous engagement of Grant s 
campaign against Richmond within a month. 
It was also his costliest onset on Lee s veteran 
army. Grant had risked much in his change of 
base to the James in order to bring him nearer 
to Richmond and to the friendly hand which 
Butler with the Army of the James was in a 
position to reach out to him. Lee had again 
confronted him, entrenching himself but six 
miles from the outworks of Richmond, while 
the Chickahominy cut off any further flanking 
movement. There was nothing to do but 
fight it out, and Grant ordered an attack all 
along the line. On June 3d he hurled the 
Army of the Potomac against the inferior 
numbers of Lee, and in a brave assault upon 
the Confederate entrenchments, lost ten 
thousand men in twenty minutes. 
Grant s assault at Cold Harbor was marked by 
the gallantry of General Hancock s division 
and of the brigades of Gibbon and Barlow, who 



on the left of the Federal line charged up the 
ascent in their front upon the concentrated 
artillery of the Confederates; they took the 
position and held it for a moment under a 
galling fire, which finally drove them back, but 
not until they had captured a flag and three 
hundred prisoners. The battle was substan 
tially over by half -past seven in the morning, 
but sullen fighting continued throughout the 
day. About noontime General Grant, who had 
visited all the corps commanders to see for 
himself the positions gained and what could be 
done, concluded that the Confederates were too 
strongly entrenched to be dislodged and ordered 
that further offensive action should cease. All 
the next day the dead and wounded lay on the 
field uncared for while both armies warily 
watched each other. The lower picture was 
taken during this weary wait. Not till the 
7th was a satisfactory truce arranged, and 
then all but two of the wounded Federals had 
died. No wonder that Grant wrote, "I have 
always regretted that the last assault at Cold 
Harbor was ever made." 



City Point, just after its capture by Butler. From June, 1864, until April, 1865, City Point, at the 
juncture of the Appomattox and the James, was a point of entry and departure for more vessels than 
any city of the South including even New Orleans in times of peace. Here landed supplies that kept 
an army numbering, with fighting force and supernumeraries, nearly one hundred and twenty thousand 
well-supplied, well-fed, w T ell-contented, and well-munitioned men in the field. This was the marvelous base 
safe from attack, secure from molestation. It was meals and money that won at Petersburg, the bravery 
of full stomachs and warm-clothed bodies against the desperation of starved and shivering out-numbered 
men. A glance at this picture tells the story. There is no need of rehearsing charges, counter-charges, 
mines, and counter-mines. Here lies the reason Petersburg had to fall. As we look back with a retro 
spective eye on this scene of plenty and abundance, well may the American heart be proud that only a few 
miles away were men of their own blood enduring the hardships that the defenders of Petersburg suffered in 
the last campaign of starvation against numbers and plenty. 

& * - 

" -f^SL> 

^;-:V - ^- . ;*- 

! * 1 ^-"^ *"" 



Charles City Court House on the James River, June 14, 1864. It was with infinite relief that Grant saw the advance of the Army of 
the Potomac reach this point on June 14th. His last flanking movement was an extremely hazardous one. More than fifty miles 
intervened between him and Butler by the roads he would have to travel, and he had to cross both the Chickahominy and the James, 
which were unbridged. The paramount difficulty was to get the Army of the Potomac out of its position before Lee, who confronted 
it at Cold Harbor. Lee had the shorter line and better roads to move over and meet Grant at the Chickahominy, or he might, if he 
ehose, descend rapidly on Butler and crush him before Grant could unite with him. "But," says Grant, "the move had to be made, 
and I relied upon Lee s not seeing my danger as I saw it." Near the old Charles City Court House the crossing of the James was 
successfully accomplished, and on the 14th Grant took steamer and ran up the river to Bermuda Hundred to see General Butler and 
direct the movement against Petersburg, that began the final investment of that city. 






Meade issued orders for the suspension of all further offensive 

A word remains to be said as to fortunes of Burnside s 
and Warren s forces, which were on the Federal right. Gen 
erals Potter and Willcox of the Ninth Corps made a quick 
capture of Early s advanced rifle-pits and were waiting for 
the order to advance on his main entrenchments, when the 
order of suspension arrived. Early fell upon him later in the 
day but was repulsed. Warren, on the left of Burnside, drove 
Rodes division back and repulsed Gordon s brigade, which had 
attacked him. The commander of the Fifth Corps reported 
that his line was too extended for further operations and Bir- 
ney s division was sent from the Second Corps to his left. But 
by the time this got into position the battle of Cold Harbor 
was practically over. 

The losses to the Federal army in this battle and the 
engagements which preceded it were over seventeen thousand, 
while the Confederate loss did not exceed one-fifth of that 
number. Grant had failed in his plan to destroy Lee north 
of the James River, and saw that he must now cross it. 

Thirty days had passed in the campaign since the Wil 
derness and the grand total in losses to Grant s army in killed, 
wounded, and missing was 54,929. The losses in Lee s army 
were never accurately given, but they were very much less in 
proportion to the numerical strength of the two armies. If 
Grant had inflicted punishment upon his foe equal to that 
suffered by the Federal forces, Lee s army would have been 
practically annihilated. 

The Federal general-in-chief had decided to secure Peters 
burg and confront Lee once more. General Gillmore was sent 
by Butler, with cavalry and infantry, on June 10th to make 
the capture, but was unsuccessful. Thereupon General Smith 
and the Eighteenth Corps were despatched to White House 
Landing to go forward by water and reach Petersburg before 
Lee had time to reenforce it. 


7///ff t 



[Part XII] 


Copyright, i()or, by Perrien-Kcydel Co. , 
Detroit, Mich., U. S. A. 


Johnston was an officer who, by the common consent of the military 
men of both sides, was reckoned second only to Lee, if second, in the 
qualities which fit an officer for the responsibility of great commands. . . . 
He practised a lynx-eyed watchfulness of his adversary, tempting him con 
stantly to assault his entrenchments, holding his fortified positions to the 
last moment, but choosing that last moment so well as to save nearly every 
gun and wagon in the final withdrawal, and always presenting a front 
covered by such defenses that one man in the line was, by all sound mili 
tary rules, equal to three or four in the attack. In this way he constantly 
neutralized the superiority of force his opponent wielded, and made his 
campaign from Dalton to the Chattahoochee a model of defensive warfare. 
It is Sherman s glory that, with a totally different temperament, he ac 
cepted his adversary s game, and played it with a skill that was finally 
successful, as we shall see. Major-General Jacob D. Cox, U.S.V., in 

THE two leading Federal generals of the war, Grant and 
Sherman, met at Xashville, Tennessee, on March 17, 
1864, and arranged for a great concerted double movement 
against the two main Southern armies, the Army of Northern 
Virginia and the Army of Tennessee. Grant, who had been 
made commander of all the Federal armies, was to take per 
sonal charge of the Army of the Potomac and move against 
Lee, while to Sherman, whom, at Grant s request, President 
Lincoln had placed at the head of the Military Division of 
the Mississippi, he turned over the Western army, which was 
to proceed against Johnston. 

It was decided, moreover, that the two movements were 
to be simultaneous and that they were to begin early in May. 
Sherman concentrated his forces around Chattanooga on the 
Tennessee River, where the Armv of the Cumberland had 







spent the winter, and where a decisive battle had been fought 
some months before, in the autumn of 1863. His army was 
composed of three parts, or, more properly, of three armies 
operating in concert. These were the Army of the Ten 
nessee, led by General James B. McPherson; the Army of 
Ohio, under General John M. Schofield, and the Army of 
the Cumberland, commanded by General George H. Thomas. 
The last named was much larger than the other two combined. 
The triple army aggregated the grand total of ninety-nine 
thousand men, six thousand of whom were cavalrymen, while 
four thousand four hundred and sixty belonged to the artil 
lery. There were two hundred and fifty-four heavy guns. 

Soon to be pitted against Sherman s army was that of 
General Joseph E. Johnston, which had spent the winter at 
Dalton, in the State of Georgia, some thirty miles southeast 
of Chattanooga. It was by chance that Dalton became the 
winter quarters of the Confederate army. In the preceding 
autumn, when General Bragg had been defeated on Mission 
ary Ridge and driven from the vicinity of Chattanooga, he 
retreated to Dalton and stopped for a night s rest. Discov 
ering the next morning that he w r as not pursued, he there 
remained. Some time later he was superseded by General 

By telegraph, General Sherman was apprised of the time 
when Grant was to move upon Lee on the banks of the Rapi- 
dan, in Virginia, and he prepared to move his own army at 
the same time. But he was two days behind Grant, who began 
his Virginia campaign on May 4th. Sherman broke camp on 
the 6th and led- his legions across hill and valley, forest and 
stream, toward the Confederate stronghold. Nature was all 
abloom with the opening of a Southern spring and the sol 
diers, who had long chafed under their enforced idleness, now 
rejoiced at the exhilarating journey before them, though their 
mission was to be one of strife and bloodshed. 

Johnston s army numbered about fifty-three thousand, 


If Sherman was deemed merciless in war, he was superbly generous when the fighting 
was over. To Joseph E. Johnston he offered most liberal terms of surrender foi the 
Southern armies. Their acceptance would have gone far to prevent the worst of the 
reconstruction enormities. Unfortunately his first convention with Johnston was 
disapproved. The death of Lincoln had removed the guiding hand that would have 
meant so much to the nation. To those who have read his published correspondence 
and his memoirs Sherman appears in a very human light. He was fluent and fre 
quently reckless in speech and writing, but his kindly humanity is seen in both. 



Atlanta i^rm 

an USL 301jn0t0n 4 

> * i 


and was divided into two corps, under the respective com 
mands of Generals John B. Hood and William J. Hardee. 
But General Polk was on his way to join them, and in a few 
days Johnston had in the neighborhood of seventy thousand 
men. His position at Dalton was too strong to be carried 
by a front attack, and Sherman was too wise to attempt it. 
Leaving Thomas and Schofield to make a feint at Johnston s 
front, Sherman sent McPherson on a flanking movement by 
the right to occupy Snake Creek Gap, a mountain pass near 
Resaca, which is about eighteen miles below Dalton. 

Sherman, with the main part of the army, soon occupied 
Tunnel Hill, which faces Rocky Face Ridge, an eastern range 
of the Cumberland Mountains, north of Dalton, on which a 
large part of Johnston s army was posted. The Federal 
leader had little or no hope of dislodging his great antagonist 
from this impregnable position, fortified by rocks and cliffs 
which no army could scale while under fire. But he ordered 
that demonstrations be made at several places, especially at a 
pass know r n as Rocky Face Gap. This w r as done with great 
spirit and bravery, the men clambering over rocks and across 
ravines in the face of showers of bullets and even of masses 
of stone hurled down from the heights above them. On the 
whole they won but little advantage. 

During the 8th and 9th of May, these operations were 
continued, the Federals making but little impression on the 
Confederate stronghold. Meanwhile, on the Dalton road there 
was a sharp cavalry fight, the Federal commander, General 
E. M. McCook, having encountered General Wheeler. Mc- 
Cook s advance brigade under Colonel La Grange was de 
feated and La Grange was made prisoner. 

Sherman s chief object in these demonstrations, it will be 
seen, was so to engage Johnston as to prevent his intercept 
ing McPherson in the latter s movement upon Resaca. In 
this Sherman was successful, and by the llth he was giving 
his whole energy to moving the remainder of his forces by the 

r d = 


* -c S 















































































ta campaign. Thi 

e first Union victor 

entucky, January ] 

the muster-out ro 

threw away his dru 

of this drummer 







ta regiment, said, 








the Northwest. 








1 * 
.s & 

2 H 


5 i> 

bf . 

i S 1 

5 &= 

6 S 

.. O 

= S 

i .9 

ft hH 

ft >j W 

"Cf 1? 

J- ^ cj D 



3 - _3 
"S s 

w *" M 

o - 1 ^- 

J -9 J .2 

d g 3 

3 ">! 

o d -fl 

i a 

O 1-1 

I i a 

right flank, as McPherson had done, to Resaca, leaving a 
detachment of General O. O. Howard s Fourth Corps to 
occupy Dalton when evacuated. When Johnston discovered 
this, he was quick to see that he must abandon his entrench 
ments and intercept Sherman. Moving by the only two good 
roads, Johnston beat Sherman in the race to Resaca. The 
town had been fortified, owing to Johnston s foresight, and 
McPherson had failed to dislodge the garrison and capture it. 
The Confederate army was now settled behind its entrench 
ments, occupying a semicircle of low wooded hills, both flanks 
of the army resting on the banks of the Oostenaula River. 

On the morning of May 14th, the Confederate works 
were invested by the greater part of Sherman s army and it 
was evident that a battle was imminent. The attack was 
begun about noon, chiefly by the Fourteenth Army Corps un 
der Palmer, of Thomas army, and Judah s division of Scho- 
field s. General Hindman s division of Hood s corps bore 
the brunt of this attack and there was heavy loss on both sides. 
Later in the day, a portion of Hood s corps was massed in a 
heavy column and hurled against the Federal left, driving it 
back. But at this point the Twentieth Army Corps under 
Hooker, of Thomas army, dashed against the advancing 
Confederates and pushed them back to their former lines. 

The forenoon of the next day was spent in heavy skir 
mishing, which grew to the dignity of a battle. During the 
day s operations a hard fight for a Confederate lunette on the 
top of a low hill occurred. At length, General Butterfield, 
in the face of a galling fire, succeeded in capturing the posi 
tion. But so deadly w r as the fire from Hardee s corps that 
Butterfield was unable to hold it or to remove the four guns 
the lunette contained. 

With the coming of night, General Johnston determined 
to withdraw his army from Resaca. The battle had cost each 
army nearly three thousand men. While it was in progress, 
McPherson, sent by Sherman, had deftly marched around 


On the balcony of this little cottage at Graysville, Georgia, stands General Richard W. Johnson, ready to advance with his cavalry division 
in the vanguard of the direct movement upon the Confederates strongly posted at Dalton. Sherman s cavalry forces under Stone- 
man and Garrard were not yet fully equipped and joined the army after the campaign had opened. General Richard W. Johnson s 
division of Thomas command, with General Palmer s division, was given the honor of heading the line of march when the Federals 
got in motion on May 5th. The same troops (Palmer s division) had made the same march in February, sent by Grant to engage 
Johnston at Dalton during Sherman s Meridian campaign. Johnson was a West Pointer; he had gained his cavalry training in the 
Mexican War, and had fought the Indians on the Texas border. He distinguished himself at Corinth, and rapidly rose to the com 
mand of a division in Buell s army. Fresh from a Confederate prison, he joined the Army of the Cumberland in the summer of 1862 
to win new laurels at Stone s River, Chickamauga, and Missionary Ridge. His sabers were conspicuously active in the Atlanta cam 
paign; and at the battle of New Hope Church on May 28th Johnson himself was wounded, but recovered in time to join Sehofield 
after the fall of Atlanta and to assist him in driving Hood and Forrest out of Tennessee. For his bravery at the battle of Nashville 
he was brevetted brigadier-general, U. S. A., December 16, 1864, and after the war he was retired with the brevet of major-general. 



Johnston s left with the view of cutting off his retreat south 
by seizing the bridges across the Oostenaula, and at the same 
time the Federal cavalry was threatening the railroad to 
Atlanta which ran beyond the river. It was the knowledge 
of these facts that determined the Confederate commander to 
abandon Resaca. Withdrawing during the night, he led his 
army southward to the banks of the Etowah River. Sherman 
followed but a few miles behind him. At the same time Sher 
man sent a division of the Army of the Cumberland, under 
General Jeff. C. Davis, to Rome, at the junction of the 
Etowah and the Oostenaula, where there Avere important 
machine-shops and factories. Davis captured the town and 
several heavy guns, destroyed the factories, and left a garri 
son to hold it. 

Sherman was eager for a battle in the open with Johnston 
and on the 17th, near the town of Adairsville, it seemed as if 
the latter would gratify him. Johnston chose a good position, 
posted his cavalry, deployed his infantry, and awaited combat. 
The Union army was at hand. The skirmishing for some 
hours almost amounted to a battle. But suddenly Johnston 
decided to defer a conclusive contest to another time. 

Again at Cassville, a few days later, Johnston drew up 
the Confederate legions in battle array, evidently having de 
cided on a general engagement at this point. He issued a 
spirited address to the army: " By your courage and skill you 
have repulsed every assault of the enemy. . . . You will now 
turn and march to meet his advancing columns. ... I lead 
you to battle." But, when his right flank had been turned 
by a Federal attack, and when two of his corps commanders, 
Hood and Polk, advised against a general battle, Johnston 
again decided on postponement. He retreated in the night 
across the Etowah, destroyed the bridges, and took a strong 
position among the rugged hills about Allatoona Pass, extend 
ing south to Kenesaw Mountain. 

Johnston s decision to fight and then not to fight was a 





The chips are still bright and the earth fresh turned, in the foreground where are the Confederate earthworks such a^ General Joseph 
E. Johnston had caused to be thrown up by the Negro laborers all along his line of possible retreat. McPherson, sent by Sherman to 
strike the railroad in Johnston s rear, got his head of column through Snake Creek Gap on May 9th, and drove off a Confederate 
cavalry brigade which retreated toward Dalton, bringing to Johnston the first news that a heavy force of Federals was already in his 
rear. McPherson, within a mile and a half of Resaca, could have walked into the town with his twenty-three thousand men, but 
concluded that the Confederate entrenchments were too strongly held to assault. When Sherman arrived he found that Johnston, 
having the shorter route, was there ahead of him with his entire army strongly posted. On May 15th, "without attempting to as 
sault the fortified works," says Sherman, "we pressed at all points, and the sound of cannon and musketry rose all day to the dignity 
of a battle." Its havoc is seen in the shattered trees and torn ground in the lower picture. 



r~ IT 

1 rr ^t rntt t t^)hi 


Tmun u0. 30t}n0t0n ^ * 


1 May 

/ ii -rVUuuUl ^ij* 

cause for grumbling both on the part of his army and of the 
inhabitants of the region through which he was passing. His 
men were eager to defend their country, and they could not 
understand this Fabian policy. They would have preferred 
defeat to these repeated retreats with no opportunity to show 
what they could do. 

Johnston, however, was wiser than his critics. The Union 
army was larger by far and better equipped than his own, 
and Sherman was a master-strategist. His hopes rested on 
two or three contingencies that he might catch a portion of 
Sherman s army separated from the rest; that Sherman would 
be so weakened by the necessity of guarding the long line of 
railroad to his base of supplies at Chattanooga, Nashville, 
and even far-away Louisville, as to make it possible to defeat 
him in open battle, or, finally, that Sherman might fall into 
the trap of making a direct attack while Johnston was in an 
impregnable position, and in such a situation he now was. 

Not yet, however, was Sherman inclined to fall into such 
a trap, and when Johnston took his strong position at and 
beyond Allatoona Pass, the Northern commander decided, 
after resting his army for a few days, to move toward At 
lanta by way of Dallas, southwest of the pass. Rations for 
a twenty days absence from direct railroad communication 
were issued to the Federal army. In fact, Sherman s rail 
road connection with the North was the one delicate problem 
of the whole movement. The Confederates had destroyed the 
iron way as they moved southward; but the Federal engi 
neers, following the army, repaired the line and rebuilt the 
bridges almost as fast as the army could march. 

Sherman s movement toward Dallas drew Johnston from 
the slopes of the Allatoona Hills. From Kingston, the Fed 
eral leader wrote on May 23d, " I am already within fifty miles 
of Atlanta." But he was not to enter that city for many 
weeks, not before he had measured swords again and again 
with his great antagonist. On the 25th of May, the two great 


The strong works in the pictures, commanding the railroad bridge 
over the Etowah River, were the fourth fortified position to be 
abandoned by Johnston within a month. Pursued by Thomas 
from Resaca, he had made a brief stand at Kingston and then 
fallen back steadily and in superb order into Cassville. There 
he issued an address to his army announcing his purpose to 
retreat no more but to accept battle. His troops were all drawn 
up in preparation for a struggle, but that night at supper with 
Generals Hood and Polk 
he was convinced by them 
that the ground occupied 
by their troops was unten 
able, being enfiladed by the 
Federal artillery. Johnston, 
therefore, gave up his pur 
pose of battle, and on the 
night of May 20th put the 
Etowah River between him 
self and Sherman and re 
treated to Allatoona Pass, 
shown in the lower picture. 

In taking this the camera was planted inside the breastworks 
seen on the eminence in the upper picture. Sherman s army now 
rested after its rapid advance and waited a few days for the rail 
road to be repaired in their rear so that supplies could be brought 
up. Meanwhile Johnston was being severely criticized at the 
South for his continual falling back without risking a battle. His 
friends stoutly maintained that it was all strategic, while some of 
the Southern newspapers quoted the Federal General Scott s 

remark, "Beware of Lee 
advancing, and watch John 
ston at a stand; for the 
devil himself would be de 
feated in the attempt to 
whip him retreating." But 
General Jeff C. Davis, sent 
by Sherman, took Rome on 
May 17th and destroyed 
valuable mills and foundries. 
Thus began the accomplish 
ment of one of the main 
objects of Sherman s march. 


n a Atlanta 

ua. 30Ijn0t0n 4* 


armies were facing each other near New Hope Church, about 
four miles north of Dallas. Here, for three or four days, 
there was almost incessant fighting, though there was not what 
might be called a pitched battle. 

Late in the afternoon of the first day, Hooker made a 
vicious attack on Stewart s division of Hood s corps. For 
two hours the battle raged without a moment s cessation, 
Hooker being pressed back with heavy loss. During those 
two hours he had held his ground against sixteen field-pieces 
and five thousand infantry at close range. The name " Hell 
Hole " was applied to this spot by the Union soldiers. 

On the next day there was considerable skirmishing in 
different places along the line that divided the two armies. 
But the chief labor of the day was throwing up entrench 
ments, preparatory to a general engagement. The country, 
however, was ill fitted for such a contest. The continuous 
succession of hills, covered with primeval forests, presented 
little opportunity for two great armies, stretched out almost 
from Dallas to Marietta, a distance of about ten miles, to come 
together simultaneously at all points. 

A severe contest occurred on the 27th, near the center of 
the battle-lines, between General O. O. Howard on the Federal 
side and General Patrick Cleburne on the part of the South. 
Dense and almost impenetrable was the undergrowth through 
which Howard led his troops to make the attack. The fight 
was at close range and was fierce and bloody, the Confeder 
ates gaining the greater advantage. 

The next day Johnston made a terrific attack on the 
Union right, under McPherson, near Dallas. But McPher- 
son was well entrenched and the Confederates were repulsed 
with a serious loss. In the three or four days fighting the 
Federal loss was probably twenty-four hundred men and the 
Confederate somewhat greater. 

In the early days of June, Sherman took possession of 
the town of Allatoona and made it a second base of supplies, 


The blasted pine rears its gaunt height above the mountain slope, 
covered with trees slashed down to hold the Federals at bay; and 
here, on June 14, 1864, the Confederacy lost a commander, a 
bishop, and a hero. Lieut.-General Leonidas Polk, commanding 
one of Johnston s army corps, with Johnston himself and Hardee, 
another corps commander, was studying Sherman s position at a 
tense moment of the latter s advance around Pine Mountain. 
The three Confederates stood upon the rolling height, where the 
center of Johnston s army awaited the 
Federal attack. They could see the 
columns in blue pushing east of them; 
the smoke and rattle of musketry as the 
pickets were driven in; and the bustle 
with which the Federal advance guard 
felled trees and constructed trenches at 
their very feet. On the lonely height the 
three figures stood conspicuous. A Fed 
eral order was given the artillery to 
open upon any men in gray who looked 
like officers reconnoitering the new posi 
tion. So, while Hardee was pointing to 
his comrade and his chief the danger of 
one of his divisions which the Federal 
advance was cutting off, the bishop- 
general was struck in the chest by a 
cannon shot. Thus the Confederacy lost 
a leader of unusual influence. Although 

a bishop of the Episcopal Church, Polk was educated at 
W est Point. When he threw in his lot with the Confederacy, 
thousands of his fellow-Louisianians followed him. A few days 
before the battle of Pine Mountain, as he and General Hood 
were riding together, the bishop was told by his companion 
that he had never been received into the communion of a church 
and was begged that the rite might be performed. Immediately 
Polk arranged the ceremony. At Hood s headquarters, by the 
light of a tallow candle, with a tin basin 
on the mess table for a baptismal font, 
and with Hood s staff present as wit 
nesses, all was ready. Hood, "with a 
face like that of an old crusader," stood 
before the bishop. Crippled by wounds 
at Games Mill, Gettysburg, and Chicka- 
mauga, he could not kneel, but bent 
forward on his crutches. The bishop, in 
full uniform of the Confederate army, 
administered the rite. A few days later, 
by a strange coincidence, he was ap 
proached by General Johnston on 
the same errand, and the man whom 
Hood was soon to succeed was baptized 
in the same simple manner. Polk, as 
Bishop, had administered his last bap 
tism, and as soldier had fought his last 
battle; for Pine Mountain was near. 



QH a Atlanta 

Joljnatnn 4- 


after repairing the railroad bridge across the Etowah River. 
Johnston swung his left around to Lost Mountain and his 
right extended beyond the railroad a line ten miles in length ^^^ jj| || , 
and much too long for its numbers. Johnston s army, how 
ever, had been reen forced, and it now numbered about seventy- 
five thousand men. Sherman, on June 1st, had nearly one 
hundred and thirteen thousand men and on the 8th he received 
the addition of a cavalry brigade and two divisions of the 
Seventeenth Corps, under General Frank P. Blair, which had 
marched from Alabama. 

So multifarious were the movements of the two great 
armies among the hills and forests of that part of Georgia 
that it is impossible for us to follow them all. On the 14th of 
June, Generals Johnston, Hardee, and Polk rode up the slope 
of Pine Mountain to reconnoiter. As they \vere standing, 
making observations, a Federal battery in the distance opened 
on them and General Polk was struck in the chest with a 
Parrot shell. He was killed instantly. 

General Polk was greatly beloved, and his death caused 
a shock to the whole Confederate army. He was a graduate 
of West Point; but after being graduated he took orders in 
the church and for twenty years before the war was Episcopal 
Bishop of Louisiana. At the outbreak of the war he entered 
the field and served with distinction to the moment of his death. 

During the next two weeks there was almost incessant 
fighting, heavy skirmishing, sparring for position. It was a 
wonderful game of military strategy, played among the hills 
and mountains and forests by two masters in the art of war. 
On June 23d, Sherman wrote, " The whole country is one 
vast fort, and Johnston must have full fifty miles of connected 
trenches. . . . Our lines are now in close contact, and the 
fighting incessant. ... As fast as we gain one position, the 
enemy has another all ready." 

Sherman, conscious of superior strength, was now anx 
ious for a real battle, a fight to the finish with his antagonist. 



During the dark days before Kenesaw it rained continually, and Sherman speaks of the peculiarly depressing effect that the weather 
had upon his troops in the wooded country. Nevertheless he must either assault Johnston s strong position on the mountain or begin 
again his flanking tactics. He decided upon the former, and on June 27th, after three days preparation, the assault was made. At 
nine in the morning along the Federal lines the furious fire of musketry and artillery was begun, but at all points the Confederates 
met it with determined courage and in great force. McPherson s attacking column, under General Blair, fought its way up the face 
of little Kenesaw but could not reach the summit. Then the courageous troops of Thomas charged up the face of the mountain and 
planted their colors on the very parapet of the Confederate works. Here General Harker, commanding the brigade in which 
fought the 125th Ohio, fell mortally wounded, as did Brigadier-General Daniel McC ook, and also General Wagner. 



n Atlanta 

110. Snljnatnn $ * 

But Johnston was too wily to be thus caught. lie made no 
false move on the great chessboard of war. At length, the 
impatient Sherman decided to make a general front attack, 
even though Johnston, at that moment, was impregnably en 
trenched on the slopes of Kenesaw Mountain. This was pre 
cisely what the Confederate commander was hoping for. 

The desperate battle of Kenesaw Mountain occurred on 
the 27th of June. In the early morning hours, the boom of 
Federal cannon announced the opening of a bloody day s 
struggle. It was soon answered by the Confederate batteries 
in the entrenchments along the mountain side, and the deaf 
ening roar of the giant conflict reverberated from the surround 
ing hills. About nine o clock the Union infantry advance 
began. On the left was McPherson, who sent the Fif 
teenth Army Corps, led by General John A. Logan, directly 
against the mountain. The artillery from the Confederate 
trenches in front of Logan cut down his men by hundreds. 
The Federals charged courageously and captured the lower 
works, but failed to take the higher ridges. 

The chief assault of the day was by the Army of the 
Cumberland, under Thomas. Most conspicuous in the attack 
were the divisions of Newton and Davis, advancing against 
General Loring, successor of the lamented Polk. Far up on 
a ridge at one point, General Cleburne held a line of breast 
works, supported by the flanking fire of artillery. Against 
this a vain and costly assault was made. 

When the word was given to charge, the Federals sprang 
forward and, in the face of a deadly hail of musket-balls and 
shells, they dashed up the slope, firing as they went. Stunned 
and bleeding, they were checked again and again by the with 
ering fire from the mountain slope; but they re-formed and 
pressed on with dauntless valor. Some of them reached the 
parapets and w r ere instantly shot do\vn, their bodies rolling 
into the Confederate trenches among the men who had slain 
them, or back down the hill whence they had come. General 



,^"" 1111 


4 1 




Battery B of the First Illinois Light Artillery followed Sherman in the Atlanta campaign. It took part in the 
demonstrations against Resaca, Georgia, May 8 to 15, 1864, and in the battle of Resaca on the 14th and 15th. 
It was in the battles about Dallas from May 25th to June 5th, and took part in the operations about Marietta 
and against Kenesaw Mountain in June and July. During the latter period this photograph was taken. The 
.battery did not go into this campaign without previous experience. It had already fought as one of the eight 
batteries at Fort Henry and Fort Donelson, heard the roar of the battle of Shiloh, and participated in the 
sieges of Corinth and Vicksburg. The artillery in the "West was not a whit less necessary to the armies than 
that in the East. Pope s brilliant feat of arms in the capture of Island No. 10 added to the growing respect 
in which the artillery was held by the other arms of the service. The effective fire of the massed batteries at 
Murfreesboro turned the tide of battle. At Chickamauga the Union artillery inflicted fearful losses upon the 
Confederates. At Atlanta again they counted their dead by the hundreds, and at Franklin and Nashville the 
guns maintained the best traditions of the Western armies. They played no small part in winning battles. 




Harker, leading a charge against Cleburne, was mortally 
wounded. His men were swept back by a galling fire, though 
many fell with their brave leader. 

This assault on Kenesaw Mountain cost Sherman three 
thousand men and won him nothing. Johnston s loss prob 
ably exceeded five hundred. The battle continued but two 
and a half hours. It was one of the most recklessly daring 
assaults during the whole war period, but did not greatly affect 
the final result of the campaign. 

Under a flag of truce, on the day after the battle, the 
men of the North and of the South met on the gory field to 
bury their dead and to minister to the wounded. They met as 
friends for the moment, and not as foes. It was said that 
there were instances of father and son, one in blue and the 
other in gray, and brothers on opposite sides, meeting one 
another on the bloody slopes of Kenesaw. Tennessee and 
Kentucky had sent thousands of men to each side in the 
fratricidal struggle and not infrequently families had been 

Three weeks of almost incessant rain fell upon the strug 
gling armies during this time, rendering their operations dis 
agreeable and unsatisfactory. The camp equipage, the men s 
uniforms and accouterments were thoroughly saturated with 
rain and mud. Still the warriors of the North and of the 
South lived and fought on the slopes of the mountain range, 
intent on destroying each other. 

Sherman was convinced by his drastic repulse at Kenesaw 
Mountain that success lay not in attacking his great antag 
onist in a strong position, and he resumed his old tactics. He 
would flank Johnston from Kenesaw as he had flanked him 
out of Dalton arid Allatoona Pass. He thereupon turned 
upon Johnston s line of communication with Atlanta, whence 
the latter received his supplies. The movement was success 
ful, and in a few days Kenesaw Mountain was deserted. 

Johnston moved to the banks of the Chattahoochee, 




This is a photograph of Independence Day, 1864. As the sentries and staff officers stand outside the shel 
tered tents, General Thomas, commanding the Army of the Cumberland, is busy; for the fighting is fierce 
to-day. Johnston has been outflanked from Kenesaw and has fallen back eastward until he is actually 
farther from Atlanta than Sherman s right flank. Who will reach the Chattahoochee first? There, if any 
where, Johnston must make his stand; he must hold the fords and ferries, and the fortifications that, with 
the wisdom of a far-seeing commander, he has for a long time been preparing. The rustic work in the pho 
tograph, which embowers the tents of the commanding general and his staff, is the sort of thing that Civil 
War soldiers had learned to throw up within an hour after pitching camp. 


At last Sherman is before Atlanta. The photograph shows one of the keypoints in the Confederate 
defense, the fort at the head of Marietta Street, toward which the Federal lines were advancing from 
the northwest. The old Potter house in the background, once a quiet, handsome country seat, is now 
surrounded by bristling fortifications, palisades, and double lines of chevaux-de-frise. Atlanta was engaged 
in the final grapple with the force that was to overcome her. Sherman has fought his way past Kenesaw 
and across the Chattahoochee, through a country which he describes as "one vast fort," saying that "John 
ston must have at least fifty miles of connected trenches with abatis and finished batteries." Anticipating 
that Sherman might drive him back upon Atlanta, Johnston had constructed, during the winter, heavily 
fortified positions all the way from Dalton. During his two months in retreat the fortifications at At 
lanta had been strengthened to the utmost. What he might have done behind them was never to be known. 


" One of the strongest pieces of field fortification I ever saw" this was Sherman s characterization of the entrenchments that 
guarded the railroad bridge over the Chattahoochee on July 5th. A glimpse of the bridge and the freshly-turned earth in 1864 is 
given by the upper picture. At this river Johnston made his final effort to hold back Sherman from a direct attack upon Atlanta. 
If Sherman could get successfully across that river, the Confederates would be compelled to fall back behind the defenses of the 
city, which was the objective of the campaign. Sherman perceived at once the futility of trying to carry by assault this strongly 
garrisoned position. Instead, he made a feint at crossing the river lower down, and simultaneously went to work in earnest eight 
miles north of the bridge. The lower picture shows the canvas pontoon boats as perfected by Union engineers in 1864. A number of 
these were stealthily set up and launched by Sherman s Twenty-third Corps near the mouth of Soap Creek, behind a ridge. Byrd s 
brigade took the defenders of the southern bank completely by surprise. It was short work for the Federals to throw pontoon bridges 
across and to occupy the coveted spot in force. 


jpr Atlanta 





Sherman following in the hope of catching him while crossing 
the river. But the wary Confederate had again, as at Resaca, 
prepared entrenchments in advance, and these were on the 
north bank of the river. He hastened to them, then turned 
on the approaching Federals and defiantly awaited attack. 
But Sherman remembered Kenesaw and there was no battle. 

The feints, the sparring, the flanking movements among 
the hills and forests continued day after day. The immediate 
aim in the early days of July was to cross the Chattahoochee. 
On the 8th, Sherman sent Schofield and McPherson across, 
ten miles or more above the Confederate position. Johnston 
crossed the next day. Thomas followed later. 

Sherman s position was by no means reassuring. It is 
true he had, in the space of two months, pressed his antag 
onist back inch by inch for more than a hundred miles and 
was now almost within sight of the goal of the campaign 
the city of Atlanta. But the single line of railroad that con 
nected him with the North and brought supplies from Louis 
ville, five hundred miles away, for a hundred thousand men 
and twenty-three thousand animals, might at any moment be 
destroyed by Confederate raiders. 

The necessity of guarding the Western and Atlantic 
Railroad was an ever-present concern with Sherman. Forrest 
and his cavalry force were in northern Mississippi waiting 
for him to get far enough on the way to Atlanta for them 
to pounce upon the iron way and tear it to ruins. To pre 
vent this General Samuel D. Sturgis, with eight thousand 
troops, was sent from Memphis against Forrest. He met him 
on the 10th of June near Guntown, Mississippi, but was sadly 
beaten and driven back to Memphis, one hundred miles away. 
The affair, nevertheless, delayed Forrest in his operations 
against the railroad, and meanwhile General Smith s troops 
returned to Memphis from the Red River expedition, some 
what late according to the schedule but eager to join Sherman 
in the advance on Atlanta. Smith, however, was directed to 


Johnston s parrying of Sherman s mighty 
strokes was "a model of defensive war 
fare," declares one of Sherman s own divi 
sion commanders, Jacob D. Cox. There 
was not a man in the Federal army from 
Sherman down that did not rejoice to hear 
that Johnston had been superseded by Hood 
on July 18th. Johnston, whose mother was 
a niece of Patrick Henry, was fifty-seven 
years old, cold in manner, measured and 
accurate in speech. His dark firm face, 
surmounted by a splendidly intellectual 
forehead, betokened the experienced and 
cautious soldier. His dismissal was one of 
the political mistakes which too often 
hampered capable leaders on both sides. 
His Fabian policy in Georgia was precisely 
the same as that which was winning fame 
against heavy odds for Lee in Virginia. 



BORN 1831; WEST POINT 1853; DIED 1879 


BORN 1809; WEST POINT 1829; DIED 1891 

The countenance of Hood, on the other 
hand, indicates an eager, restless energy, 
an impetuosity that lacked the poise of 
Sherman, whose every gesture showed the 
alertness of mind and soundness of 
judgment that in him were so exactly bal 
anced. Both Schofield and McPherson 
were classmates of Hood at West Point, 
and characterized him to Sherman as 
"bold even to rashness and courageous in 
the extreme." He struck the first offen 
sive blow at Sherman advancing on At 
lanta, and wisely adhered to the plan of 
the battle as it had been worked out by 
Johnston just before his removal. But 
the policy of attacking was certain to 
be finally disastrous to the Confederates. 

Atlanta Barman ML 301jn0t0n 

take the offensive against Forrest, and with fourteen thou 
sand troops, and in a three days fight, demoralized him badly 
at Tupelo, Mississippi, July 14th-17th. Smith returned to 
Memphis and made another start for Sherman, when he was 
suddenly turned back and sent to Missouri, where the Confed 
erate General Price was extremely active, to help Rosecrans. 

To avoid final defeat and to win the ground he had 
gained had taxed Sherman s powers to the last degree and was 
made possible only through his superior numbers. Even this 
degree of success could not be expected to continue if the rail 
road to the North should be destroyed. But Sherman must 
do more than he had done; he must capture Atlanta, this 
Richmond of the far South, with its cannon foundries and its 
great machine-shops, its military factories, and extensive army 
supplies. He must divide the Confederacy north and south 
as Grant s capture of Vicksburg had split it east and west. 

Sherman must have Atlanta, for political reasons as well 
as for military purposes. The country was in the midst of 
a presidential campaign. The opposition to Lincoln s re 
election was strong, and for many weeks it was believed on 
all sides that his defeat was inevitable. At least, the success 
of the Union arms in the field was deemed essential to Lin 
coln s success at the polls. Grant had made little progress in 
Virginia and his terrible repulse at Cold Harbor, in June, had 
cast a gloom over every Northern State. Farragut was oper 
ating in Mobile Bay; but his success was still in the future. 

The eyes of the supporters of the great war-president 
turned longingly, expectantly, toward General Sherman and 
his hundred thousand men before Atlanta. " Do something 
something spectacular save the party and save the country 
thereby from permanent disruption!" This was the cry of 
the millions, and Sherman understood it. But withal, the 
capture of the Georgia city may have been doubtful but for 
the fact that at the critical moment the Confederate Presi 
dent made a decision that resulted, unconsciously, in a decided 



Counting these closely clustered Federal graves gives one an idea of the overwhelming onset with Hood become the aggressor on July 
20th. Beyond the graves are some of the trenches from which the Federals were at first irresistibly driven. In the background flows 
Peach-Tree Creek, the little stream that gives its name to the battlefield. Hood, impatient to signalize his new responsibility by a 
stroke that would at once dispel the gloom at Richmond, had posted his troops behind strongly fortified works on a ridge commanding 
the valley of Peach-Tree Creek about five miles to the north of Atlanta. Here he awaited the approach of Sherman. As the Federals 
were disposing their lines and entrenching before this position, Hood s eager eyes detected a gap in their formation and at four o clock 
in the afternoon hurled a heavy force against it. Thus he proved his reputation for courage, but the outcome showed the mistake. 
For a brief interval Sherman s forces were in great peril. But the Federals under Newton and Geary rallied and held their ground, 
till Ward s division in a brave counter-charge drove the Confederates back. This first effort cost Hood dear. He abandoned his 
entrenchments that night, leaving on the field five hundred dead, one thousand wounded, and many prisoners. Sherman estimated 
the total Confederate loss at no less than five thousand. That of the Federals was fifteen hundred. 


service to the Union cause. He dismissed General Johnston 
and put another in his place, one who was less strategic and 
more impulsive. 

Jefferson Davis did not agree with General Johnston s 
military judgment, and he seized on the fact that Johnston 
had so steadily retreated before the Northern army as an ex 
cuse for his removal. On the 18th of July, Davis turned the 
Confederate Army of Tennessee over to General John B. 
Hood. A graduate of West Point of the class of 1853, a 
classmate of McPherson, Schofield, and Sheridan, Hood had 
faithfully served the cause of the South since the opening of 
the war. He \vas known as a fighter, and it was believed that 
he would change the policy of Johnston to one of open battle 
with Sherman s army. And so it proved. 

Johnston had lost, since the opening of the campaign at 
Dalton, about fifteen thousand men, and the army that he now 
delivered to Hood consisted of about sixty thousand in all. 

While Hood was no match for Sherman as a strategist, 
he was not a weakling. His policy of aggression, however, 
was not suited to the circumstances to the nature of the 
country in view of the fact that Sherman s army was far 
stronger than his own. 

Two days after Hood took command of the Confederate 
army he offered battle. Sherman s forces had crossed Peach 
Tree Creek, a small stream flowing into the Chattahoochee, 
but a few miles from Atlanta, and were approaching the city. 
They had thrown up slight breastworks, as was their custom, 
but were not expecting an attack. Suddenly, however, about 
four o clock in the afternoon of July 20th, an imposing col 
umn of Confederates burst from the woods near the position 
of the Union right center, under Thomas. The Federals 
were soon at their guns. The battle was short, fierce, and 
bloody. The Confederates made a gallant assault, but were 
pressed back to their entrenchments, leaving the ground cov 
ered with dead and wounded. The Federal loss in the battle 



A Federal picket post on the lines before Atlanta. This picture was taken shortly before the battle of 
July 22d. The soldiers are idling about unconcerned at exposing themselves; this is on the "reserve post." 
Somewhat in advance of this lay the outer line of pickets, and it would be time enough to seek cover if 
they were driven in. Thus armies feel for each other, stretching out first their sensitive fingers- the pickets. 
If these recoil, the skirmishers are sent forward while the strong arm, the line of battle, gathers itself 
to meet the foe. As this was an inner line, it was more strongly fortified than was customary with 
the pickets. But the men of both sides had become very expert in improvising field-works at this stage 
of the war. Hard campaigning had taught the veterans the importance to themselves of providing 
such protection, and no orders had to be given for their construction. As soon as a regiment gained a 
position desirable to hold, the soldiers would throw up a strong parapet of dirt and logs in a single night. 
In order to spare the men as much as possible, Sherman ordered his division commanders to organize 
pioneer detachments out of the Negroes that escaped to the Federals. These could work at night. 



of Peach Tree Creek was placed at over seventeen hundred, 
the Confederate loss being much greater. This battle had 
been planned by Johnston before his removal, but he had been 
waiting for the strategic moment to fight it. 

Two days later, July 22d, occurred the greatest engage 
ment of the entire campaign the battle of Atlanta. The 
Federal army was closing in on the entrenchments of Atlanta, 
and was now within two or three miles of the city. On the 
night of the 21st, General Blair, of McPherson s army, had 
gained possession of a high hill on the left, which commanded 
a view of the heart of the city. Hood thereupon planned to 
recapture this hill, and make a general attack on the morning 
of the 22d. He sent General Hardee on a long night march 
around the extreme flank of McPherson s army, the attack to 
be made at daybreak. Meantime, General Cheatham, who had 
succeeded to the command of Hood s former corps, and Gen 
eral A. P. Stewart, who now had Folk s corps, were to engage 
Thomas and Schofield in front and thus prevent them from 
sending aid to McPherson. 

Hardee was delayed in his fifteen-mile night march, and 
it was noon before he attacked. At about that hour Generals 
Sherman and McPherson sat talking near the Howard house, 
which was the Federal headquarters, when the sudden boom 
of artillery from beyond the hill that Blair had captured an 
nounced the opening of the coming battle. McPherson quickly 
leaped upon his horse and galloped away toward the sound of 
the guns. Meeting Logan and Blair near the railroad, he 
conferred with them for a moment, when they separated, and 
each hastened to his place in the battle-line. McPherson sent 
aides and orderlies in various directions with despatches, until 
but two were still with him. He then rode into a forest and 
was suddenly confronted by a portion of the Confederate 
army under General Cheatham. " Surrender," was the call 
that rang out. But he wheeled his horse as if to flee, when he 
was instantly shot dead, and the horse galloped back riderless. 


It was Sherman s experienced railroad wreckers that finally drove Hood out of Atlanta. In the picture the rails heating red-hot 
amid the flaming bonfires of the ties, and the piles of twisted debris show vividly what Sherman meant when he said their "work was 
done with a will." Sherman saw that in order to take Atlanta without terrific loss he must cut off all its rail communications. This he 
did by "taking the field with our main force and using it against the communications of Atlanta instead of against its intrench- 
ments." On the night of August 25th he moved with practically his entire army and wagon-trains loaded with fifteen days rations. 
By the morning of the 27th the whole front of the city was deserted. The Confederates concluded that Sherman was in retreat. 
Next day they found out their mistake, for the Federal army lay across the West Point Railroad while the soldiers began wrecking it. 
Next day they were in motion toward the railroad to Macon, and General Hood began to understand that a colossal raid was in 
progress. After the occupation, when this picture was taken, Sherman s men completed the work of destruction, 





The death of the brilliant, dashing young leader, James 
B. McPherson, was a great blow to the Union army. But 
thirty-six years of age, one of the most promising men in the 
country, and already the commander of a military department, 
McPherson was the only man in all the Western armies whom 
Grant, on going to the East, placed in the same military class 
with Sherman. 

Logan succeeded the fallen commander, and the battle 
raged on. The Confederates were gaining headway. They 
captured several guns. Cheatham was pressing on, pouring 
volley after volley into the ranks of the Army of the Ten 
nessee, which seemed about to be cut in twain. A gap was 
opening. The Confederates were pouring through. General 
Sherman was present and saw the danger. Calling for Scho- 
field to send several batteries, he placed them and poured a 
concentrated artillery fire through the gap and mowed down 
the advancing men in swaths. At the same time, Logan 
pressed forward and Schofield s infantry was called up. The 
Confederates were hurled back with great loss. The shadows 
of night fell and the battle of Atlanta was over. Hood s 
losses exceeded eight thousand of his brave men, whom he 
could ill spare. Sherman lost about thirty-seven hundred. 

The Confederate army recuperated within the defenses of 
Atlanta behind an almost impregnable barricade. Sherman 
had no hope of carrying the city by assault, while to surround 
and invest it was impossible with his numbers. He deter 
mined, therefore, to strike Hood s lines of supplies. On July 
28th, Hood again sent Hardee out from his entrenchments to 
attack the Army of the Tennessee, now under the command 
of General Howard. A fierce battle at Ezra Church on the 
west side of the city ensued, and again the Confederates were 
defeated with heavy loss. 

A month passed and Sherman had made little progress 
toward capturing Atlanta. Two cavalry raids which he or 
ganized resulted in defeat, but the two railroads from the 



On the night of August 31st, in his headquarters near Jonesboro, Sherman could not sleep. That day 
he had defeated the force sent against him at Jonesboro and cut them off from returning to Atlanta. This 
was Hood s last effort to save his communications. About midnight sounds of exploding shells and what 
seemed like volleys of musketry arose in the direction of Atlanta. The day had been exciting in that city. 
Supplies and ammunition that Hood could carry w r ith him were being removed; large quantities of pro 
visions were being distributed among the citizens, and as the troops marched out they were allowed to 
take what they could from the public stores. All that remained was destroyed. The noise that Sherman 
heard that night was the blowing up of the rolling-mill and of about a hundred cars and six engines loaded 
with Hood s abandoned ammunition. The picture shows the Georgia Central Railroad east of the town. 


Although remaining politically neutral through 
out the war, Missouri contributed four hundred 
and forty-seven separate military organizations 
to the Federal armies, and over one hundred to 
the Confederacy. The Union sentiment in the 
State is said to have been due to Frank P. Blair, 
who, early in 1861, began organizing home guards. 
Blair subsequently joined Grant s command and 
served with that leader until Sherman took the 
helm in the West. With Sherman Major-Gene ral 
Blair fought in Georgia and through the Carolinas. 


California contributed, twelve military organiza 
tions to the Federal forces, but none of them took 
part in the campaigns east of the Mississippi. 
Its Senator, Edward D. Baker, was in his place 
in Washington when the war broke out, and, 
being a close friend of Lincoln, promptly organized 
a regiment of Pennsylvanians which was best 
known by its synonym "First California." Colonel 
Baker was killed at the head of it at the battle of 
Ball s Bluff, Virginia, October 21, 1861. Baker 
had been appointed brigadier-general but declined. 


West Virginia counties had already supplied 
soldiers for the Confederates when the new State 
was organized in 1861. As early as May, 1861, 
Colonel B. F. Kelley was in the field with the 
First West Virginia Infantry marshalled under the 
Stars and Stripes. He served to the end of the war 
and was brevetted major-general. West Virginia 
furnished thirty-seven organizations of all arms to 
the Federal armies, chiefly for local defense and for 
service in contiguous territory. General Kelley 
was prominent in the Shenandoah campaigns. 



Little Delaware furnished to the Federal armies 
fifteen separate military organizations. First in 
the field was Colonel Thomas A. Smyth, with the 
First Delaware Infantry. Early promoted to the 
command of a brigade, he led it at Gettysburg, 
where it received the full force of Pickett s 
charge on Cemetery Ridge, July 3, 1863. He was 
brevetted major-general and fell at Farmville, 
on Appomattox River, Va., April 7, 1865, two 
days before the surrender at Appomattox. Gen 
eral Smyth was a noted leader in the Second Corps. 


The virgin State of Kansas sent fifty regiments, 
battalions, and batteries into the Federal camps. 
Its Second Infantry was organized and led to the 
field by Colonel R. B. Mitchell, a veteran of the 
Mexican War. At the first battle in the West, 
Wilson s Creek, Mo. (August 10, 1861), he was 
wounded. At the battle of Perryville, Brigadier- 
General Mitchell commanded a division in Mc- 
Cook s Corps and fought desperately to hold the 
Federal left flank against a sudden and des 
perate assault by General Bragg s Confederates. 


New Hampshire supplied twenty-nine military 
organizations to the Federal armies. To the 
Granite State belongs the grim distinction of fur 
nishing the regiment which had the heaviest mor 
tality roll of any infantry organization in the 
army. This was the Fifth New Hampshire, com 
manded by Colonel E. E. Cross. The Fifth served 
in the Army of the Potomac. At Gettysburg, Col 
onel Cross commanded a brigade, which included 
the Fifth New Hampshire, and was killed at 
the head of it near Devil s Den, on July 2, 1863. 


Arkansas entered into the war with enthusiasm, 
and had a large contingent of Confederate troops 
ready for the field in the summer of 1861. At 
Wilson s Creek, Missouri, August 10, 1861, there 
v.-ere four regiments and two batteries of Arkan- 
sans under command of Brigadier-General N. B. 
Pearce. Arkansas furnished seventy separate 
military organizations to the Confederate armies 
and seventeen to the Federals. The State was 
gallantly represented in the Army of Northern 
Virginia, notably at Antietam and Gettysburg. 


Maryland quickly responded to the Southern 
call to arms, and among its first contribution of 
soldiers was George H. Steuart, who led a bat 
talion across the Potomac early in 1861. These 
Marylanders fought at First Bull Run, or Manas- 
sas, and Lee s army at Petersburg included Mary 
land troops under Brigadier-General Steuart. 
During the war this little border State, politically 
neutral, sent six separate organizations to the 
Confederates in Virginia, and mustered thirty- 
five for the Federal camps and for local defense. 


Kentucky is notable as a State which sent 
brothers to both the Federal and Confederate 
armies. Major-General George B. Crittenden, 
C. S. A., was the brother of Major-General 
Thomas L. Crittenden, U. S. A. Although re 
maining politically neutral throughout the war, 
the Blue Grass State sent forty-nine regiments, 
battalions, and batteries across the border to up 
hold the Stars and Bars, and mustered eighty of all 
arms to battle around the Stars and Stripes and 
protect the State from Confederate incursions. 



The last of the Southern States to cast its for 
tunes in with the Confederacy, North Carolina 
vied with the pioneers in the spirit with which 
it entered the war. With the First North Caro 
lina, Lieut.-Col. Matt W. Ransom was on the 
firing-line early in 1861. Under his leadership 
as brigadier-general, North Carolinians carried 
the Stars and Bars on all the great battlefields 
of the Army of Northern Virginia. The State 
furnished ninety organizations for the Confeder 
ate armies, and sent eight to the Federal camps. 


Florida was one of the first to follow South Caro 
lina s example in dissolving the Federal coa pact. 
It furnished twenty-one military organizations 
to the Confederate forces, and throughout the 
war maintained a vigorous home defense. Its fore 
most soldier to take the field when the State was 
menaced by a strong Federal expedition in Feb 
ruary, 1864, was Brigadier-General Joseph Fine- 
gan. Hastily gathering scattered detachments, 
he defeated and checked the expedition at the 
battle of Olustee, or Ocean Pond, on February 20. 


Cleburne was of foreign birth, but before the war 
was one year old he became the leader of Ten- 
nesseeans, fighting heroically on Tennessee soil. 
At Shiloh, Cleburne s brigade, and at Murfrees- 
boro, Chattanooga, and Franklin, Major-General 
P. R. Cleburne s division found the post of 
honor. At Franklin this gallant Irishman "The 
Stonewall Jackson of the West," led Tennes- 
seeans for the last time and fell close to the 
breastworks. Tennessee sent the Confederate 
armies 129 organizations, and the Federal fifty-six, 

Atlanta Barman U^L 30Ijn0t0n * 

south into Atlanta were considerably damaged. But, late in 
August, the Northern commander made a daring move that 
proved successful. Leaving his base of supplies, as Grant had 
done before Vicksburg, and marching toward Jonesboro, Sher 
man destroyed the Macon and Western Railroad, the only re 
maining line of supplies to the Confederate army. 

Hood attempted to block the march on Jonesboro, and 
Hardee was sent with his and S. D. Lee s Corps to attack the 
Federals, while he himself sought an opportunity to move upon 
Sherman s right flank. Hardee s attack failed, and this ne 
cessitated the evacuation of Atlanta. After blowing up his 
magazines and destroying the supplies which his men could 
not carry with them, Hood abandoned the city, and the next 
day, September 2d, General Slocum, having succeeded 
Hooker, led the Twentieth Corps of the Federal army within 
its earthen walls. Hood had made his escape, saving his army 
from capture. His chief desire would have been to march 
directly north on Marietta and destroy the depots of Federal 
supplies, but a matter of more importance prevented. Thirty- 
four thousand Union prisoners were confined at Andersonville, 
arid a small body of cavalry could have released them. So 
Hood placed himself between Andersonville and Sherman. 

In the early days of September the Federal hosts occupied 
the city toward which they had toiled all the summer long. At 
East Point, Atlanta, and Decatur, the three armies settled for 
a brief rest, while the cavalry, stretched for many miles along 
the Chattahoochee, protected their flanks and rear. Since May 
their ranks had been depleted by some twenty-eight thousand 
killed and wounded, while nearry four thousand had fallen pris 
oners, into the Confederates hands. 

It was a great price, but whatever else the capture of 
Atlanta did, it ensured the reelection of Abraham Lincoln to 
the presidency of the United States. The total Confederate 
losses were in the neighborhood of thirty-five thousand, of 
which thirteen thousand were prisoners. 

[Part XIII] 


Sheridan s operations were character! /ed not so much, as has been 
supposed, by any originality of method, as by a just appreciation of the 
proper manner of combining the two arms of infantry and cavalry. He 
constantly used his powerful body of horse, which under his disciplined 
hand attained a high degree of perfection, as an impenetrable mask be 
hind which he screened the execution of maneuvers of infantry columns 
hurled with a mighty momentum on one of the enemy s flanks. William 
Swinton, in "Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac," 

ON July 12, 1864, in the streets of Washington, there 
could be distinctly heard the boom of cannon and the 
sharp firing of musketry. The excitement in the city was 
intense. The old specter " threaten Washington," that for 
three years had been a standing menace to the Federal au 
thorities and a " very present help " to the Confederates, now 
seemed to have come in the flesh. The hopes of the South and 
the fears of the North were apparently about to be realized. 
The occasion of this demonstration before the very gates 
of the city was the result of General Lee s project to relieve 
the pressure on his own army, by an invasion of the border 
States and a threatening attitude toward the Union capital. 
The plan had w r orked well before, and Lee believed it again 
would be effective. Grant was pushing him hard in front 
of Petersburg. Accordingly, Lee despatched the daring 
soldier, General Jubal A. Early, to carry the war again to 
the northward. He was to go by the beautiful and fertile 
Shenandoah valley, that highway of the Confederates along 
which the legions of the South had marched and counter 
marched. On the 9th of July, the advance lines of the Con 
federate force came to the banks of the Monocacy, where they 

OI0nfltrtH in 

found General Lew Wallace posted, with eight thousand men, 
half of Early s numbers, on the eastern side of that stream, to 
contest the approach of the Southern troops. 

The battle was brief but bloody; the Confederates, cross 
ing the stream and climbing its slippery banks, hurled their 
lines of gray against the compact ranks of blue. The attack 
was impetuous ; the repulse was stubborn. A wail of musketry 
rent the air and the Northern soldiers fell back to their second 
position. Between the opposing forces was a narrow ravine 
through which flowed a small brook. Across this stream the 
tide of battle rose and fell. Its limpid current was soon crim 
soned by the blood of the dead and wounded. Wallace s col 
umns, as did those of Early, bled, but they stood. The result 
of the battle for a time hung in the balance. Then the Federal 
lines began to crumble. The retreat began, some of the troops 
in order but the greater portion in confusion, and the victo 
rious Confederates found again an open way to Washington. 

Now within half a dozen miles of the city, with the dome 
of the Capitol in full view, the Southern general pushed his 
lines so close to Fort Stevens that he was ready to train his 
forty pieces of artillery upon its walls. 

General Augur, in command of the capital s defenses, 
hastily collected what strength in men and guns he could. 
Heavy artillery, militia, sailors from the navy yard, convales 
cents, Government employees of all kinds were rushed to the 
forts around the city. General Wright, with two divisions of 
the Sixth Corps, arrived from the camp at Petersburg, and 
Emory s division of the Nineteenth Corps came just in time 
from New Orleans. This was on July llth, the very day on 
which Early appeared in front of Fort Stevens. The Con 
federate had determined to make an assault, but the knowledge 
of the arrival of Wright a,nd Emory caused him to change his 
mind. He realized that, if unsuccessful, his whole force would 
be lost, and he concluded to return. Nevertheless, he spent 
the 12th of July in threatening the city. In the middle of 



m f /A 






"My bad old man," as General Lee playfully called 
him, was forty-eight years of age when he made the 
brilliant Valley campaign of the summer of 1864, 
which was halted only by the superior forces of 
Sheridan. A West Point graduate and a veteran of 
the Mexican W T ar, Early became, after the death of 
Jackson, one of Lee s most efficient subordinates. 
He was alert, aggressive, resourceful. His very 
eccentricities, perhaps, made him all the more suc 
cessful as a commander of troops in the field. "Old 
Jube s" caustic w r it and austere ways made him a 
terror to stragglers, and who shall say that his fluent, 
forcible profanity did not endear him to men 
who were accustomed to like roughness of speech? 

Ire Hast (Ennfltrte in 

the afternoon General Wright sent out General Wheaton with 
Bidwell s brigade of Getty s division, and Early s pickets and 
skirmishers were driven back a mile. 

This small engagement had many distinguished spec 
tators. Pond in " The Shenandoah Valley " thus describes 
the scene: "On the parapet of Fort Stevens stood the tall 
form of Abraham Lincoln by the side of General Wright, who 
in vain warned the eager President that his position was swept 
by the bullets of sharpshooters, until an officer was shot down 
within three feet of him, when he reluctantly stepped below. 
Sheltered from the line of fire, Cabinet officers and a group of 
citizens and ladies, breathless with excitement, watched the 
fortunes of the flight." 

Under cover of night the Confederates began to retrace 
their steps and made their way to the Shenandoah, with Gen 
eral Wright in pursuit. As the Confederate army was cross 
ing that stream, at Snicker s Ferry, on the 18th, the pursuing 
Federals came upon them. Early turned, repulsed them, and 
continued on his way to Winchester, where General Averell, 
from Hunter s forces, now at Harper s Ferry, attacked them 
with his cavalry and took several hundred prisoners. 

The Federal authorities were looking for a " man of the 
hour " one whom they might pit against the able and stra 
tegic Early. Such a one was found in General Philip Henry 
Sheridan, whom some have called the " Marshal Ney of Amer 
ica." He was selected by General Grant, and his instructions 
were to drive the Confederates out of the Valley once for all. 

The middle of September found the Confederate forces 
centered about Winchester, and the Union army was ten miles 
distant, with the Opequon between them. At two o clock on 
the morning of September 19th, the Union camp was in mo 
tion, preparing for marching orders. At three o clock the 
forward movement was begun, and by daylight the Federal 
advance had driven in the Confederate pickets. Emptying 
into the Opequon from the west are two converging streams, 


When the Capitol at Washington was threatened by the Confederate armies, it was still an unfinished structure, betraying its incom 
pleteness to every beholder. This picture shows the derrick on the dome. It is a view of the east front of the building and was taken 
on July 11, 1863. Washington society had not been wholly free from occasional "war scares" since the withdrawal of most of the 
troops whose duty it had been to guard the city. Early s approach in July, 1804, found the Nation s capital entirely unprotected. 
Naturally there was a flutter throughout the peaceable groups of non-combatants that made up the population of Washington at 
that time, as well as in official circles. There were less than seventy thousand people living in the city in 1864, a large proportion 
of whom were in some way connected with the Government. 

Hast (Eonfltrte in 



forming a triangle with the Winchester and Martinsburg pike 
as a base. 

The town of Winchester is situated on this road, and was 
therefore at the bottom of the triangle. Before the town, the 
Confederate army stretched its lines between the two streams. 
The Union army would have to advance from the apex of the 
triangle, through a narrow ravine, shut in by thickly wooded 
hills and gradually emerging into an undulating valley. At 
the end of the gorge was a Confederate outwork, guarding the 
approach to Winchester. Both generals had the same plan of 
battle in mind. Sheridan would strike the Confederate center 
and right. Early was willing he should do this, for he planned 
to strike the Union right, double it back, get between Sheri 
dan s army and the gorge, and thus cut off its retreat. 

It took time for the Union troops to pass through the 
ravine, and it was late in the forenoon before the line of battle 
was formed. The attack and defense were alike obstinate. 
Upon the Sixth Corps and Grover s division of the Nineteenth 
Corps fell the brunt of the battle, since they were to hold the 
center while the Army of West Virginia, under General Crook, 
would sweep around them and turn the position of the op 
posing forces. The Confederate General Ramseur, with his 
troops, drove back the Federal center, held his ground for 
two hours, while the opposing lines were swept by musketry 
and artillery from the front, and enfiladed by artillery. Many 
Federal prisoners were taken. 

By this time, Russell s division of the Sixth Corps emerged 
from the ravine. Forming in two lines, it marched quickly to 
the front. About the same time the Confederates were also 
being reenforced. General Rodes plunged into the fight, mak 
ing a gallant attack and losing his life. General Gordon, with 
his columns of gray, swept across the summit of the hills and 
through the murky clouds of smoke saw the steady advance of 
the lines of blue. One of Russell s brigades struck the Con 
federate flank, and the Federal line was reestablished. As the 



The United States railroad photographer, Captain A. J. Russell, labeled this picture of 1864: "Engines stored in Washington to pre 
vent their falling into Rebel hands in case of a raid on Alexandria." Here they are, almost under the shadow of the Capitol dome 
(which had just been completed). This was one of the precautions taken by the authorities at Washington, of which the general 
public knew little or nothing at the time. These photographs are only now revealing official secrets recorded fifty years ago. 


Heavy artillery like this was of comparatively little use in repulsing such an attack as Early might be expected to make. Not only 
were these guns hard to move to points of danger, but in the summer of 64 there were no trained artillerists to man them. Big as 
they were, they gave Early no occasion for alarm. 

Hast OJnnJitrte in 

* * 

division moved forward to do this General Russell fell, pierced 
through the heart by a piece of shell. 

The Fifth Maine battery,- galloping into the field, unlim- 
bered and with an enfilading storm of canister aided in turn 
ing the tide. Piece by piece the shattered Union line was 
picked up and reunited. Early sent the last of his reserves 
into the conflict to turn the Union right. Now ensued the 
fiercest fighting of the day. Regiment after regiment ad 
vanced to the wood only to be hurled back again. Here it 
was that the One hundred and fourteenth New York left 
its dreadful toll of men. Its position after the battle could 
be told by the long, straight line of one hundred and eighty- 
five of its dead and wounded. 

It was three o clock in the afternoon; the hour of Early s 
repulse had struck. To the right of the Union lines could be 
heard a mighty yell. The Confederates seemed to redouble 
their fire. The shivering lightning bolts shot through the air 
and the volleys of musketry increased in intensity. Then, across 
the shell-plowed field, came the reserves under General Crook. 
Breasting the Confederate torrent of lead, which cut down 
nine hundred of the reserves while crossing the open space, they 
rushed toward the embattled lines of the South. 

At the same moment, coming out of the woods in the rear 
of the Federals, were seen the men of the Nineteenth Corps 
under General Emory, who had for three hours been lying in 
the grass awaiting their opportunity. The Confederate bul 
lets had been falling thick in their midst with fatal certainty. 
They were eager for action. Rushing into the contest like 
madmen, they stopped at nothing. From two sides of the 
wood the men of Emory and Crook charged simultaneously. 
The Union line overlapped the Confederate at every point and 
doubled around the unprotected flanks. The day for the 
Southerners was irretrievably lost. They fell back toward 
Winchester in confusion. As they did so, a great uproar was 
heard on the pike road. It was the Federal cavalry under 





The sentry and vedette guarding the approach to Washington suggest one reason why Early did not make his approach to the capital 
from the Virginia side of the Potomac. A chain of more than twenty forts protected the roads to Long Bridge (shown below), and 
there was no way of marching troops into the city from the south, excepting over such exposed passages. Most of the troops left for 
the defense of the city were on the Virginia side. Therefore Early wisely picked out the northern outposts as the more vulnerable. 
Long Bridge was closely guarded at all times, like Chain Bridge and the other approaches, and at night the planks of its floor were 


Cast (Emtfltrts in 



General Torbert sweeping up the road, driving the Confed 
erate troopers before them. The surprised mass was pressed 
into its own lines. The infantry was charged and many pris 
oners and battle-flags captured. 

The sun was now sinking upon the horizon, and on the 
ascending slopes in the direction of the town could be seen the 
long, dark lines of men following at the heels of the routed 
army. Along the crest of the embattled summit galloped a 
force of cavalrymen, which, falling upon the disorganized regi 
ments of Early, aided, in the language of Sheridan, " to send 
them whirling through Winchester." The Union pursuit con 
tinued until the twilight had come and the shadows of night 
screened the scattered forces of Early from the pursuing cav 
alrymen. The battle of Winchester, or the Opequon, had been 
a bloody one a loss of five thousand on the Federal side, and 
about four thousand on the Confederate. 

By daylight of the following morning the victorious army 
was again in pursuit. On the afternoon of that day, it caught 
up with the Confederates, who now turned at bay at Fisher s 
Hill to resist the further approach of their pursuers. The posi 
tion selected by General Early was a strong one, and his antag 
onist at once recognized it as 1 such. The valley of the Shenan- 
doah at this point is about four miles wide, lying between 
Fisher s Hill and Little North Mountain. General Early s 
line extended across the entire valley, and he had greatly in 
creased his already naturally strong position. His army seemed 
safe from attack. From the summit of Three Top Mountain, 
his signal corps informed him of every movement of the Union 
army in the valley below. General Sheridan s actions indicated 
a purpose to assault the center of the Confederate line. For 
two days he continued massing his regiments in that direction, 
at times even skirmishing for position. General Wright pushed 
his men to within seven hundred yards of the Southern battle- 
line. While this was going on in full view of the Confederate 
general and his army, another movement was being executed 




Constant drill at the guns went on in the defenses of Washington throughout the war. At its close in April, 1865, there 
were 68 enclosed forts and batteries, whose aggregate perimeter was thirteen miles, 807 guns and 98 mortars mounted, and 
emplacements for 1,120 guns, ninety-three unarmed batteries for field-guns, 35,711 yards of rifle-trenches, and three block 
houses encircling the Northern capital. The entire extent of front of the lines was thirty -seven miles; and thirty-two miles 
of military roads, besides those previously existing in the District of Columbia, formed the means of interior communica 
tion. In all these forts constant preparation was made for a possible onslaught of the Confederates, and many of the troops 
were trained which later went to take part in the siege of Petersburg where the heavy artillery fought bravely as infantry. 


Hast QI0nflirt0 in 

which even the vigilant signal officers on Three Top Mountain 
had not observed. 

On the night of September 20th, the troops of General 
Crook were moved into the timber on the north bank of Cedar 
Creek. All during the next day, they lay concealed. That 
night they crossed the stream and the next morning were again 
hidden by the woods and ravines. At five o clock on the morn 
ing of the 22d, Crook s men were nearly opposite the Con 
federate center. Marching his men in perfect silence, by one 
o clock he had arrived at the left and front of the unsuspecting 
Early. By four o clock he had reached the east face of Little 
Xorth Mountain, to the left and rear of the Confederates. 
While the movement was being made, the main body of the 
Federal army was engaging the attention of the Confederates 
in front. Just before sundown, Crook s men plunged down 
the mountain side, from out of the timbered cover. The Con 
federates were quick to see that they had been trapped. They 
had been caught in a pocket and there was nothing for them 
to do except to retreat or surrender. They preferred the 
former, which was, according to General Gordon, " first stub 
born and slow, then rapid, then a rout." 

After the battle of Fisher s Hill the pursuit still continued. 
The Confederate regiments re-formed, and at times w r ould 
stop and contest the approach of the advancing cavalrymen. 
By the time the Union infantry would reach the place, the 
retreating army would have vanished. Torbert had been sent 
down Luray Valley in pursuit of the Confederate cavalry, with 
the hope of scattering it and seizing New Market in time to 
cut off the Confederate retreat from Fisher s Hill. But at 
Milford, in a narrow gorge, General Wickham held Torbert 
and prevented the fulfilment of his plan ; and General Karly s 
whole force was able to escape. Day after day this continued 
until Early had taken refuge in the Blue Ridge in front of 
Brown s Gap. Here he received reenforcements. Sheridan 
in the mean time had gone into camp at Harrisonburg, and for 






This is Fort Stevens (originally known as Fort Massachusetts), north of Washington, near the Soldiers 
Home, where President Lincoln had his summer residence. It was to this outpost that Early s troops 
advanced on July 12, 1864. In the fighting of that day Lincoln himself stood on the ramparts, and a 
surgeon who stood by his side was wounded. These works were feebly garrisoned, and General Gordon 
declared in his memoirs that when the Confederate troops reached Fort Stevens they found it untenanted. 
This photograph was taken after the occupation of the fort by Company F of the Third Massachusetts 

Haai Qtanflirte in tip J^nmtfcoalf 


some time the two armies lay watching each other. The Fed 
erals were having difficulty in holding their lines of supply. 

With the Valley practically given up by Early, Sheridan 
was anxious to stop here. He wrote to Grant, " I think the 
best policy will be to let the burning of the crops in the Valley 
be the end of the campaign, and let some of this army go some 
where else." He had the Petersburg line in mind. Grant s 
consent to this plan reached him on October 5th, and the fol 
lowing day he started on his return march down the Shenan- 
doah. His cavalry extended across the entire valley. With 
the unsparing severity of war, his men began to make a barren 
waste of the region. The October sky was overcast with clouds 
of smoke and sheets of flame from the burning barns and mills. 

As the army of Sheridan proceeded down the Valley, the 
undaunted cavaliers of Early came in pursuit. His horsemen 
kept close to the rear of the Union columns. On the morning 
of October 9th, the cavalry leader, Rosser, who had succeeded 
Wickham, found himself confronted by General Custer s divi 
sion, at Tom s Brook. At the same time the Federal general, 
Wesley Merritt, fell upon the cavalry of Lomax and Johnson 
on an adjacent road. The two Union forces were soon united 
and a mounted battle ensued. The fight continued for two 
hours. There were charges and countercharges. The ground 
being level, the maneuvering of the squadrons was easy. The 
clink of the sabers rang out in the morning air. Both sides 
fought with tenacity. The Confederate center held together, 
but its flanks gave way. The Federals charged along the 
whole front, with a momentum that forced the Southern cav 
alrymen to flee from the field. They left in the hands of the 
Federal troopers over three hundred prisoners, all their artil 
lery, except one piece, and nearly every wagon the Confederate 
cavalry had with them. 

The Northern army continued its retrograde movement, 
and on the 10th crossed to the north side of Cedar Creek. 
Early s army in the mean time had taken a position at the 



Fort Stevens, on the north line of the defenses of Washington, bore the brunt of the Confederate attack in the action of July 12, 
1864, when Early threatened Washington. The smooth-bore guns in its armament were two 8-inch siege-howitzers en embrasure, six 
24-pounder siege-guns en embrasure, two 24-pounder sea-coast guns en barbette. It was also armed with five 30-pounder Parrott 
rifled guns, one 10-inch siege-mortar and one 24-pounder Coehorn mortar. Three of the platforms for siege-guns remained vacant. 


TYashington was no longer in danger when this photograph was taken, and the company is taking its ease with small arms stacked 
three rifles held together by engaging the shanks of the bayonets. This is the usual way of disposing of rifles when the company is 
temporarily dismissed for any purpose. If the men are to leave the immediate vicinity of the stacks, a sentinel is detailed to guard 
the arms. The Third Massachusetts Heavy Artillery was organized for one year in August, 1864, and remained in the defenses of Wash 
ington throughout their service, except for Company I, which went to the siege of Petersburg and maintained the pontoon bridges. 

wooded base of Fisher s Hill, four miles away. The Sixth 
Corps started for Washington, but the new r s of Early at Fish 
er s Hill led to its recall. The Union forces occupied ground 
that was considered practically unassailable, especially on the 
left, where the deep gorge of the Shenandoah, along whose 
front rose the bold Massanutten Mountain, gave it natural 

The movements of the Confederate army were screened by 
the wooded ravines in front of Fisher s Hill, while, from the 
summit of the neighboring Three Top Mountain, its officers 
could view, as. in a panorama, the entire Union camp. Seem 
ingly secure, the corps of Crook on the left of the Union line 
was not well protected. The keen-eyed Gordon saw the w r eak 
point in the Union position. Ingenious plans to break it down 
were quickly made. 

Meanwhile, Sheridan was summoned to Washington to 
consult with Secretary Stanton. He did not believe that Early 
proposed an immediate attack, and started on the loth, escorted 
by the cavalry, and leaving General Wright in command. At 
Front Royal the next day word came from Wright enclosing 
a message taken for the Confederate signal-flag on Three Top 
Mountain. It was from Longstreet, advising Early that he 
would join him and crush Sheridan. The latter sent the cav 
alry back to Wright, and continued on to Washington, whence 
he returned at once by special train, reaching Winchester on 
the evening of the 18th. 

Just after dark on October 18th, a part of Early s army 
under the command of General John B. Gordon, with noiseless 
steps, moved out from their camp, through the misty, autumn 
night. The men had been stripped of their canteens, in fear 
that the striking of them against some object might reveal 
their movements. Orders were given in low whispers. Their 
path followed along the base of the mountain a dim and nar 
row trail, upon which but one man might pass at a time. For 
seven miles this sinuous line made its way through the dark 





The arrival of Grant s trained veterans in July, 1864, restored security to the capital city after a week of fright. The fact that shells 
had been thrown into the outskirts of the city gave the inhabitants for the first time a realizing sense of immediate danger. This 
scene is the neighborhood of Fort Stevens, on the Seventh Street road, not far from the Soldiers Home, where President Lincoln 
was spending the summer. The campaign for his reelection had begun and the outlook for his success and that of his party seemed 
at this moment as dubious as that for the conclusion of the war. Grant had weakened his lines about Richmond in order to protect 
Washington, while Lee had been able to detach Early s Corps for the brilliant Valley Campaign, which saved his Shenandoah suoplies. 

gorge, crossing the Shenandoah, and at times passing within 
four hundred yards of the Union pickets. 

It arrived at the appointed place, opposite Crook s camp 
on the Federal right, an hour before the attack was to be made. 
In the shivering air of the early morning, the men crouched on 
the river bank, waiting for the coming of the order to move 
forward. At last, at five o clock, it came. They plunged into 
the frosty w r ater of the river, emerged on the other side, 
marched in " double quick," and were soon sounding a reveille 
to the sleeping troops of Sheridan. The minie balls whizzed 
and sang through the tents. In the gray mists of the dawn 
the legions of the South looked like phantom warriors, as they 
poured through the unmanned gaps. The Northerners sprang 
to arms. There was a bloody struggle in the trenches. Their 
eyes saw the flames from the Southern muskets > the men felt 
the breath of the hot muzzles in their faces, while the Confed 
erate bayonets were at their breasts. There was a brief strug 
gle, then panic and disorganization. Only a quarter of an 
hour of this yelling and struggling, and two-thirds of the 
Union army broke like a mill-dam and poured across the fields, 
leaving their accouterments of war and the stiffening bodies 
of their comrades. Rosser, with the cavalry, attacked Custer 
and assisted Gordon. 

Meanwhile, during these same early morning hours, Gen 
eral Early had himself advanced to Cedar Creek by a more 
direct route. At half-past three o clock his men had come in 
sight of the Union camp-fires. They waited under cover for 
the approach of day. At the first blush of dawn and before the 
charge of Gordon, Early hurled his men across the stream, 
swept over the breastworks, captured the batteries and turned 
them upon the unsuspecting Northerners. The Federal gener 
als tried to stem the impending disaster. From the east of the 
battlefield the solid lines of Gordon were now driving the fugi 
tives of Crook s corps by the mere force of momentum. Aides 
were darting hither and thither, trying to reassemble the 




"Winchester" wore no such gaudy trappings when he sprang "up from the South, at break of day" on that 
famous ride of October 19, 1864, which has been immortalized in Thomas Buchanan Read s poem. The silver- 
mounted saddle was presented later by admiring friends of his owner. The sleek neck then was dark with 
sweat, and the quivering nostrils were flecked with foam at the end of the twenty-mile dash that brought hope 
and courage to an army and turned defeat into the overwhelming victory of Cedar Creek. Sheridan himself 
was as careful of his appearance as Custer was irregular in his field dress. He was always careful of his horse, 
but in the field decked him in nothing more elaborate than a plain McClellan saddle and army blanket. 

ICast Qlnttfltrte in ilj? 


crumbling lines. The Nineteenth Corps, under Emory, tried 
to hold its ground; for a time it fought alone, but after a des 
perate effort to hold its own, it, too, melted away under the 
scorching fire. The fields to the rear of the army were covered 
with wagons, ambulances, stragglers, and fleeing soldiers. 

The Sixth Corps now came to the rescue. As it slowly 
fell to the rear it would, at times, turn to fight. At last it 
found a place where it again stood at bay. The men hastily 
gathered rails and constructed rude field-works. At the same 
time the Confederates paused in their advance. The rattle of 
musketry ceased. There Avas scarcely any firing except for the 
occasional roar of a long-range artillery gun. The Southern 
ers seemed willing to rest on their well-earned laurels of the 
morning. In the language of the successful commander, it was 
" glory enough for one day." 

But the brilliant morning victory was about to be changed 
to a singular afternoon defeat. During the morning s fight, 
when the Union troops were being rapidly overwhelmed with 
panic, Rienzi, the beautiful jet-black war-charger, w r as bearing 
his master, the commander of the Federal army, to the field of 
disaster. Along the broad valley highway that leads from 
Winchester, General Sheridan had galloped to where his em 
battled lines had been reduced to a flying mob. While riding 
leisurely away from Winchester about nine o clock he had 
heard unmistakable thunder-peals of artillery. Realizing that 
a battle was on in the front, he hastened forward, soon to be 
met, as he crossed Mill Creek, by the trains and men of his 
routed army, coming to the rear with appalling rapidity. 

News from the field told him of the crushing defeat of 
his hitherto invincible regiments. The road was blocked by 
the retreating crowds as they pressed toward the rear. The 
commander was forced to take to the fields, and as his steed, 
flecked with foam, bore him onward, the disheartened refugees 
greeted him with cheers. Taking off his hat as he rode, he 
cried, " We will go back and recover our camps." The words 


Two generations of schoolboys in the Northern States have learned the lines 
beginning, "Up from the south at break of day." This picture represents Sheri 
dan in 186-t, wearing the same hat that he waved to rally his soldiers on that 
famous ride from "Winchester, twenty miles away." As he reined up his panting 
horse on the turnpike at Cedar Creek, he received salutes from two future Presi 
dents of the United States. The position on the left of the road was held by 
Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes, who had succeeded, after the rout of the Eighth 
Corps in the darkness of the early morning, in rallying some fighting groups of 
his own brigade ; while on the right stood Major William McKinley, gallantly 
commanding the remnant of his fighting regiment the Twenty-third Ohio. 

Qlnnfltrte in 


seemed to inspire the demoralized soldiers. Stragglers fell 
into line behind him; men turned to follow their magnetic 
leader back to the fight. 

Vaulting his horse over the low barricade of rails, he 
dashed to the crest of the field. There was a flutter along the 
battle-line. The men from behind their protecting wall broke 
into thunderous cheers. From the rear of the soldiers there 
suddenly arose, as from the earth, a line of the regimental flags, 
which waved recognition to their leader. Color-bearers reas 
sembled. The straggling lines re-formed. Early made an 
other assault after one o clock, but was easily repulsed. 

It was nearly four o clock when the order for the Federal 
advance was given. General Sheridan, hat in hand, rode in 
front of his infantry line that his men might see him. The 
Confederate forces now occupied a series of wooded crests. 
From out of the shadow of one of these timbered coverts, a col 
umn of gray was emerging. The Union lines stood waiting 
for the impending crash. It came in a devouring succession 
of volleys that reverberated into a deep and sullen roar. The 
Union infantry rose as one man and passed in among the trees. 
Not a shot was heard. Then, suddenly, there came a scream 
ing, humming rush of shell, a roar of musketry mingling with 
the yells of a successful charge. Again the firing ceased, except 
for occasional outbursts. The Confederates had taken a new 
position and reopened with a galling fire. General Sheridan 
dashed along the front of his lines in personal charge of the 
attack. Again his men moved toward the lines of Early s 
fast thinning ranks. It was the final charge. The Union 
cavalry swept in behind the fleeing troops of Early and sent, 
again, his veteran army " whirling up the Valley." 

The battle of Cedar Creek was ended; the tumult died 
away. The Federal loss had been about fifty-seven hundred; 
the Confederate over three thousand. Fourteen hundred 
Union prisoners were sent to Richmond. Never again would 
the gaunt specter of war hover over Washington. 



War-time portraits of 
six soldiers whose 
military records 
assisted them 
to the Pres 

Garfield in 03 (left to right) Thomas, Wiles, Tyler, Simmons, Drillard, Ducat, Barnett, Goddard, 
Rosecrans, Garfield, Porter, Bond, Thompson, Sheridan. 

Brig.-Gen. Andrew Johnson, 
President, 186J-G9. 

General Ulysses S. Grant, 
President, 1869-77. 

Bvt. Ma j. -Gen. Rutherford B. Hayes, 
President, 1877-81. 

Maj.-Gen. James A. Garfield, 
President, March to September, 1881. 

Bvt. Brig.-Gen. Benjamin Harrison, 
President, 1889-93. 

Brevet Major William McKinley, 
President, 1897-1901. 




AFTER the disastrous clash of the two armies at Cold 
Harbor, Grant remained a few days in his entrench 
ments trying in vain to find a weak place in Lee s lines. The 
combatants were now due east of Richmond, arid the Federal 
general realized that it would be impossible at this time to 
attain the object for which he had struggled ever since he 
crossed the Rapidan on the 4th of May to turn Lee s right 
flank and interpose his forces between the Army of Northern 
Virginia and the capital of the Confederacy. His opponent, 
one of the very greatest military leaders the Anglo-Saxon race 
has produced, with an army of but little more than half the 
number of the Federal host, had successfully blocked the 
attempts to carry out this plan in three great battles and by a 
remarkable maneuver on the southern bank of the North 
Anna, which had forced Grant to recross the river and which 
will always remain a subject of curious interest to students 
of the art of war. 

In one month the Union army had lost fifty-five thousand 
men, while the Confederate losses had been comparatively 
small. The cost to the North had been too great; Lee could 
not be cut off from his capital, and the most feasible project 
\vas now r to join in the move which heretofore had been the 
special object of General Butler and the Army of the James, 
and attack Richmond itself. South of the city, at a distance 
of twenty-one miles, was the town of Petersburg. Its defenses 
were not strong, although General Gillmore of Butler s army 
had failed in an attempt to seize them on the 10th of June. 
Three railroads converged here and these were main arteries 
of Lee s supply. Grant resolved to capture this important 
point. He sent General W. F. Smith, who had come to his 
aid at Cold Harbor with the flower of the Army of the James, 


! I/ 




General William Mahone, C. S. A. It was through the promptness and valor of General Mahone that the Southerners, on July 30, 
18&4, were enabled to turn back upon the Federals the disaster threatened by the hidden mine. On the morning of the explosion 
there were but eighteen thousand Confederates left to hold the ten miles of lines about Petersburg. Everything seemed to favor 
Grant s plans for the crushing of this force. Immediately after the mine was sprung, a terrific cannonade was opened from one hun 
dred and fifty guns and mortars to drive back the Confederates from the breach, while fifty thousand Federals stood ready to charge 
upon the panic-stricken foe. But the foe was not panic-stricken long. Colonel McMaster, of the Seventeenth South Carolina, 
gathered the remnants of General Elliott s brigade and held back the Federals massing at the Crater until General Mahone arrived 
at the head of three brigades. At once he prepared to attack the Federals, who at that moment were advancing to the left of the 
Crater. Mahone ordered a counter-charge. In his inspiring presence it swept with such vigor that the Federals were driven back 
and dared not risk another assault. At the Crater, Lee had what Grant lacked a man able to direct the entire engagement. 

inwsittumt nf 

back to Bermuda Hundred by water, as he had come, with 
instructions to hasten to Petersburg before Lee could get there. 
Smith arrived on the 15th and was joined by Hancock with 
the first troops of the Army of the Potomac to appear, but 
the attack was not pressed and Beauregard who, with only two 
thousand men, was in desperate straits until Lee should reach 
him, managed to hold the inner line of trenches. 

The last of Grant s forces were across the James by mid 
night of June 16th, while Lee took a more westerly and shorter 
route to Petersburg. The fighting there was continued as the 
two armies came up, but each Union attack was successfully 
repulsed. At the close of day on the 18th both opponents were 
in full strength and the greatest struggle of modern times was 
begun. Impregnable bastioned works began to show them 
selves around Petersburg. More than thirty miles of frowning 
redoubts connected extensive breastworks and were strength 
ened by mortar batteries and field-w r orks which lined the fields 
near the Appomattox River. It was a vast net of fortifica 
tions, but there was no formal siege of Lee s position, which 
was a new entrenched line selected by Beauregard some dis 
tance behind the rifle-pits where he had held out at such great 
odds against Hancock and Smith. 

Grant, as soon as the army was safely protected, started to 
extend his lines on the west and south, in order to envelop 
the Confederate right flank. He also bent his energies to 
destroying the railroads upon which Lee depended for sup 
plies. Attempts to do this were made without delay. On June 
22d two corps of the Union army set out for the Weldon Rail 
road, but they became separated and were put to flight by 
A. P. Hill. The Federal cavalry also joined in the work, but 
the vigilant Confederate horsemen under W. H. F. Lee 
prevented any serious damage to the iron way, and by July 2d 
the last of the raiders were back in the Federal lines, much the 
worse for the rough treatment they had received 

Now ensued some weeks of quiet during which both armies 


The Crater, torn by the mine within Elliott s Salient. At dawn of July 30, 1864, the fifty thousand Fed 
eral troops waiting to make a charge saw a great mass of earth hurled skyward like a water-spout. As it 
spread out into an immense cloud, scattering guns, carriages, timbers, and what were once human beings, 
the front ranks broke in panic; it looked as if the mass were descending upon their own heads. The men 
were quickly rallied; across the narrow plain they charged, through the awful breach, and up the heights 
beyond to gain Cemetery Ridge. But there were brave fighters on the other side still left, and delay among 
the Federals enabled the Confederates to rally and re-form in time to drive the Federals back down the 
steep sides of the Crater. There, as they struggled amidst the horrible debris, one disaster after another 
fell upon them. Huddled together, the mass of men was cut to pieces by the canister poured upon them 
from well-planted Confederate batteries. At last, as a forlorn hope, the colored troops were sent forward; 
and they, too, were hurled back into the Crater and piled upon their white comrades. 

were strengthening their fortifications. On June 25th Sheri 
dan returned from his cavalry raid on the Virginia Central 
Railroad running north from Richmond. He had encountered 
Hampton and Fitzhugh Lee at Trevilian Station on June 
llth, and turned hack after doing great damage to the railway. 
Ammunition was running short and he did not dare risk 
another engagement. Sheridan was destined not to remain 
long with the army in front of Petersburg. Lee had detached 
a corps from his forces and, under Early, it had been doing 
great damage in Maryland and Pennsylvania. So Grant s 
cavalry leader was put at the head of an army and sent to 
the Shenandoah valley to drive Early s troops from the base of 
their operations. 

Meanwhile the Federals were covertly engaged in an 
undertaking which was fated to result in conspicuous fail 
ure. Some skilled miners from the upper Schuylkill coal 
regions in the Forty-eighth Pennsylvania attached to the 
Ninth Corps were boring a tunnel from the rear of the Union 
works underneath the Confederate fortifications. Eight thous 
and pounds of gunpowder were placed in lateral galleries at 
the end of the tunnel. At twenty minutes to five on the morn 
ing of July 30th, the mine was exploded. A solid mass of earth 
and all manner of material shot two hundred feet into the air. 
Three hundred human beings were buried in the debris as it 
fell back into the gaping crater. The smoke had barely cleared 
away when General Ledlie led his waiting troops into the vast 
opening. The horror of the sight sickened the assailants, and 
in crowding into the pit they became completely demoralized. 
In the confusion officers lost power to reorganize, much less 
to control, their troops. 

The stunned and paralyzed Confederates were not long in 
recovering their wits. Batteries opened upon the approach to 
the crater, and presently a stream of fire was poured into the 
pit itself. General Mahone hastened up with his Georgia and 
Virginia troops, and there were several desperate charges 










Dotted with formidable fortifications such as these, Confederate works stretched for ten miles around Petersburg. Fort Mahone was 
situated opposite the Federal Fort Sedgwick at the point where the hostile lines converged most closely after the battle of the Crater. 
Owing to the constant cannonade which it kept up, the Federals named it Fort Damnation, while Fort Sedgwick, which was no less 
active in reply, was known to the Confederates as Fort Hell. Grade s salient, further north on the Confederate line, is notable as the 
point in front of which General John B. Gordon s gallant troops moved to the attack on Fort Stedman, the last desperate effort of 
the Confederates to break through the Federal cordon. The views of Grade s salient show the French form of chevaux-de-frise, a 
favorite protection against attack much employed by the Confederates. 



before the Federals withdrew at Burnside s order. Grant had 
had great expectations that the mine would result in his cap 
turing Petersburg and he was much disappointed. In order 
to get a part of Lee s army away from the scene of what he 
hoped would be the final struggle, Hancock s troops and a 
large force of cavalry had been sent north of the James, as if 
a move on Richmond had been planned. In the mine fiasco 
on that fatal July 30th, thirty-nine hundred men (nearly all 
from Burnside s corps) were lost to the Union side. The Con 
federate loss was about one thousand. 

In the torrid days of mid-August Grant renewed his 
attacks upon the Weldon Railroad, and General Warren was 
sent to capture it. He reached Globe Tavern, about four miles 
from Petersburg, when he encountered General Heth, who 
drove him back. Warren did not return to the Federal lines 
but entrenched along the iron way. The next day he was 
fiercely attacked by the Confederate force now 7 strongly re- 
enforced by Mahone. The assault was most sudden. Mahone 
forced his way through the skirmish line and then turned and 
fought his opponents from their rear. Another of his divisions 
struck the Union right wing. In this extremity two thousand 
of Warren s troops were captured and all would have been 
lost but for the timely arrival of Burnside s men. 

Two days later the Southerners renewed the battle and 
now thirty cannon poured volley after volley upon the Fifth 
and Ninth corps. The dashing Mahone again came forward 
with his usual impetuousness, but the blue line finally drove 
Lee s men back. And so the Weldon Railroad fell into the 
hands of General Grant. Hancock, with the Second Corps, 
returned from the north bank of the James and set to work 
to assist in destroying the railway, whose loss was a hard blow 
to General Lee. It was not to be expected that the latter would 
permit this work to continue unmolested and on the 25th of 
August, A. P. Hill suddenly confronted Hancock, who 
entrenched himself in haste at Ream s Station. This did not 



Hospital life for those well enough 
to enjoy it was far from dull. 
Witness the white-clad nurse with 
her prim apron and hoopskirt 
on the right of the photograph, 
and the band on the left. Most 
hospitals had excellent libraries 
and a full supply of current news 
papers and periodicals, usually 
presented gratuitously. Many of 
the larger ones organized and 
maintained bands for the amuse 
ment of the patients; they also 
provided lectures, concerts, and 
theatrical and other entertain 
ments. A hospital near the front 
receiving cases of the most severe 
character might have a death-rate 
as high as twelve per cent., while 
those farther in the rear might 
have a very much lower death- 
rate of but six, four, or even two 




per cent. The portrait accom 
panying shows Louisa M. Alcott, 
the author of "Little Men," 
"Little Women," "An Old Fash 
ioned Girl," and the other books 
that have endeared her to millions 
of readers. Her diary of 1862 
contains this characteristic note: 
"November. Thirty years old. 
Decided to go to Washington as a 
nurse if I could find a place. Help 
needed, and I love nursing and 
must let out my pent-up energy in 
some new way." She had not yet 
attained fame as a writer, but it 
was during this time that she 
wrote for a newspaper the letters 
afterwards collected as "Hospital 
Sketches." It is due to the cour 
tesy of Messrs. Little, Brown & 
Company of Boston that the war 
time portrait is here reproduced. 





save the Second Corps, which for the first time in its glorious 
career was put to rout. Their very guns were captured and 
turned upon them. 

In the following weeks there were no actions of impor 
tance except that in the last days of September Generals Ord 
and Birney, with the Army of the James, captured Fort Har 
rison, on the north bank of that river, from Generals Ewell 
and Anderson. The Federals were anxious to have it, since 
it was an excellent vantage point from which to threaten Rich 
mond. Meanwhile Grant was constantly extending his line 
to the west and by the end of October it was very close to the 
South Side Railroad. On the 27th there was a hard fight at 
Hatcher s Run, but the Confederates saved the railway and 
the Federals returned to their entrenchments in front of 

The active struggle now ceased, but Lee found himself 
each day in more desperate straits. Sheridan had played sad 
havoc with such sources of supply as existed in the rich country 
to the northwest. The Weldon Railroad was gone and the 
South Side line was in imminent danger. The Southerners 
were losing heart. Many went home for the winter on a 
promise to return when the spring planting was done. Lee 
was loath to let them go, but he could ill afford to maintain 
them, and the very life of their families depended upon it. 
Those who remained at Petersburg suffered cruelly from 
hunger and cold. They looked forward to the spring, although 
it meant renewal of the mighty struggle. The Confederate line 
had been stretched to oppose Grant s westward progress until 
it had become the thinnest of screens. A man lost to Lee was 
almost impossible to replace, while the bounties offered in the 
North kept Grant s ranks full. 



[Part XIV] 


I only regarded the march from Atlanta to Savannah as a " shift of 
base," as the transfer of a strong army, which had no opponent, and had 
finished its then work, from the interior to a point on the sea coast, from 
which it could achieve other important results. I considered this march 
as a means to an end, and not as an essential act of war. Still, then as 
now, the march to the sea was generally regarded as something extraordi 
nary, something anomalous, something out of the usual order of events; 
whereas, in fact, I simply moved from Atlanta to Savannah, as one step in 
the direction of Richmond, a movement that had to be met and defeated, 
or the war was necessarily at an end, General W. T. Sherman, in his 
" Memoirs." 1 " 1 

march to the sea, in which General William T. 
JL Sherman won undying fame in the Civil War, is one 
of the greatest pageants in the world s warfare as fearful 
in its destruction as it is historic in its import. But this was 
not Sherman s chief achievement; it was an easy task com 
pared with the great campaign between Chattanooga and 
Atlanta through which he had just passed. " As a military 
accomplishment it was little more than a grand picnic," de 
clared one of his division commanders, in speaking of the 
march through Georgia and the Carolinas. 

Almost immediately after the capture of Atlanta, Sher 
man, deciding to remain there for some time and to make it 
a Federal military center, ordered all the inhabitants to be 
removed. General Hood pronounced the act one of ingen 
ious cruelty, transcending any that had ever before come to 
his notice in the dark history of the war. Sherman insisted 
that his act was one of kindness, and that Johnston and Hood 
themselves had done the same removed families from their 
homes in other places. The decision was fully carried out. 

Jtnal Campaign* 

Many of the people of Atlanta chose to go southward, others 
to the north, the latter being transported free, by Sherman s 
order, as far as Chattanooga. 

Shortly after the middle of September, Hood moved his 
army from Love joy s Station, just south of Atlanta, to the 
vicinity of Macon. Here Jefferson Davis visited the encamp 
ment, and on the 22d he made a speech to the homesick Army 
of Tennessee, which, reported in the Southern newspapers, 
disclosed to Sherman the new plans of the Confederate lead 
ers. These involved nothing less than a fresh invasion of Ten 
nessee, which, in the opinion of President Davis, would put 
Sherman in a predicament worse than that in which Napoleon 
found himself at Moscow. But, forewarned, the Federal 
leader prepared to thwart his antagonists. The line of the 
Western and Atlantic Railroad was more closely guarded, 
Divisions were sent to Rome arid to Chattanooga. Thomas 
was ordered to Nashville, and Schofield to Knoxville. Recruits 
were hastened from the North to these points, in order that 
Sherman himself might not be weakened by the return of too 
many troops to these places. 

Hood, in the hope of leading Sherman away from At 
lanta, crossed the Chattahoochee on the 1st of October, de 
stroyed the railroad above Marietta and sent General French 
against Allatoona. It was the brave defense of this place by 
General John M. Corse that brought forth Sherman s famous 
message, "Hold out; relief is coming," sent by his signal 
officers from the heights of Kenesaw Mountain, and which 
thrilled the North and inspired its poets to eulogize Corse s 
bravery in verse. Corse had been ordered from Rome to 
Allatoona by signals from mountain to mountain, over the 
heads of the Confederate troops, who occupied the valley 
between. Reaching the mountain pass soon after midnight, 
on October 5th, Corse added his thousand men to the nine hun 
dred already there, and soon after daylight the battle began. 
General French, in command of the Confederates, first 


These two photographs of General Sherman were taken in 1864 the year that made him an inter 
national figure, before his march to the sea which electrified the civilized world, and exposed once for 
all the crippled condition of the Confederacy. After that autumn expedition, the problem of the 
Union generals was merely to contend with detached armies, no longer with the combined States of the 
Confederacy. The latter had no means of extending further support to the dwindling troops in the 
field. Sherman was the chief Union exponent of the tactical gift that makes marches count as much 
as fighting. In the early part of 1864 he made his famous raid across Mississippi from Jackson to 
Meridian and back again, destroying the railroads, Confederate stores, and other property, and des 
olating the country along the line of march. In May he set out from Chattanooga for the invasion of 
Georgia. For his success in this campaign he was appointed, on August 12th, a major-general in the 
regular army. On November 12th, he started with the pick of his men on his march to the sea. 
After the capture of Savannah, December 21st, Sherman s fame w T as secure; yet he was one of the 
most heartily execrated leaders of the war. There is a hint of a smile in the right-hand picture. The 
left-hand portrait reveals all the sternness and determination of a leader surrounded by dangers, 
about to penetrate an enemy s country against the advice of accepted military authorities. 





summoned Corse to surrender, and, receiving a defiant answer, 
opened with his guns. Nearly all the day the fire was terrific 
from besieged and besiegers, and the losses on both sides were 
very heavy. 

During the battle Sherman was on Kenesaw Mountain, 
eighteen miles away, from which he could see the cloud of 
smoke and hear the faint reverberation of the cannons boom. 
When he learned by signal that Corse was there and in com 
mand, he said, " If Corse is there, he will hold out; I know 
the man." And he did hold out, and saved the stores at Alla- 
toona, at a loss of seven hundred of his men, he himself being 
among the wounded, while French lost about eight hundred. 

General Hood continued to move northward to Resaca 
and Dalton, passing over the same ground on which the two 
great armies had fought during the spring and summer. He 
destroyed the railroads, burned the ties, and twisted the rails, 
leaving greater havoc, if possible, in a country that was already 
a wilderness of desolation. For some weeks Sherman fol 
lowed Hood in the hope that a general engagement would 
result. But Hood had no intention to fight. He went on to 
the banks of the Tennessee opposite Florence, Alabama. His 
army w&s lightly equipped, and Sherman, with his heavily 
burdened troops, was unable to catch him. Sherman halted 
at Gaylesville and ordered Schofield, with the Twenty-third 
Corps, and Stanley, with the Fourth Corps, to Thomas at 

Sherman thereupon determined to return to Atlanta, 
leaving General Thomas to meet Hood s appearance in Ten 
nessee. It was about this time that Sherman fully decided to 
march to the sea. Some time before this he had telegraphed 
to Grant: " Hood . . . can constantly break my roads. I 
would infinitely prefer to make a wreck of the road . . . send 
back all my wounded and worthless, and, with my effective 
army, move through Georgia, smashing things to the sea." 
Grant thought it best for Sherman to destroy Hood s army 



/ N 



As this photograph was taken, the wagons stood in the street of Atlanta ready to accompany the Federals 
in their impending march to the sea. The most interesting thing is the bank building on the corner, com 
pletely destroyed, although around it stand the stores of merchants entirely untouched. Evidently there 
had been here faithful execution of Sherman s orders to his engineers to destroy all buildings and property 
of a public nature, such as factories, foundries, railroad stations, and the like; but to protect as far as pos 
sible strictly private dwellings and enterprises. Those of a later generation who witnessed the growth of 
Atlanta within less than half a century after this photograph was taken, and saw tall office-buildings and 
streets humming with industry around the location in this photograph, will find in it an added fascination. 



first, but Sherman insisted that his plan would put him on 
the offensive rather than the defensive. He also believed that 
Hood would be forced to follow him. Grant was finally won 
to the view that if Hood moved on Tennessee, Thomas would 
be able to check him. He had, on the llth of October, given 
permission for the march. Now, on the 2d of November, he 
telegraphed Sherman at Rome: " I do not really see that you 
can withdraw from where you are to follow Hood without 
giving up all we have gained in territory. I say, then, go on 
as you propose." It was Sherman, and not Grant or Lin 
coln, that conceived the great march, and while the march 
itself was not seriously opposed or difficult to carry out, the 
conception and purpose were masterly. 

Sherman moved his army by slow and easy stages back 
to Atlanta. He sent the vast army stores that had collected 
at Atlanta, which he could not take with him, as well as his 
sick and wounded, to Chattanooga, destroyed the railroad 
to that place, also the machine-shops at Rome and other 
places, and on November 12th, after receiving a final despatch 
from Thomas and answering simply, " Despatch received all 
right," the last telegraph line was severed, and Sherman had 
deliberately cut himself off from all communication with the 
Northern States. There is no incident like it in the annals of 
war. A strange event it was, as Sherman observes in his 
memoirs. Two hostile armies marching in opposite direc 
tions, each in the full belief that it was achieving a final and 
conclusive result in a great war." 

For the next two days all was astir in Atlanta. The 
great depot, round-house, and machine-shops were destroyed. 
Walls were battered down; chimneys pulled over; machinery 
smashed to pieces, and boilers punched full of holes. Heaps 
of rubbish covered the spots where these fine buildings had 
stood, and on the night of November 15th the vast debris was 
set on fire. The torch was also applied to many places in the 
business part of the city, in defiance of the strict orders of 


Here Sherman s men are seen at daily drill in Atlanta. This photograph has an interest beyond most war pictures, for it gives 
a clear idea of the soldierly bearing of the men that were to march to the sea. There was an easy carelessness in their appearance 
copied from their great commander, but they were never allowed to become slouchy. Sherman was the antithesis of a martinet, but 
he had, in the Atlanta campaign, molded his army into the "mobile machine" that he desired it to be, and he was anxious to keep 
the men up to this high pitch of efficiency for the performance of still greater deeds. No better disciplined army existed in the world 
at the time Sherman s "bummers" set out for the sea. 

Jttml Ghmjmtgnii 


Captain Poe, who had the work of destruction in charge. 
The court-house and a large part of the dwellings escaped 
the flames. 

Preparations for the great march were made with ex 
treme care. Defective wagons and horses were discarded; the 
number of heavy guns to be carried along was sixty-five, the 
remainder having been sent to Chattanooga. The marching 
army numbered about sixty thousand, five thousand of whom 
belonged to the cavalry and eighteen hundred to the artillery. 
The army was divided into two immense wings, the Right, 
the Army of the Tennessee, commanded by General O. O. 
Howard, and consisting of the Fifteenth and Seventeenth 
corps, and the Left, the Army of Georgia, by General Henry 
W. Slocum, composed the Fourteenth and Twentieth corps. 
Sherman himself was in supreme command. There were 
twenty-five hundred wagons, each drawn by six mules; six 
hundred ambulances, with two horses each, while the heavy 
guns, caissons, and forges were each drawn by eight horses. 
A twenty days supply of bread, forty of coffee, sugar, and 
salt was carried with the army, and a large herd of cattle was 
driven on foot. 

In Sherman s general instructions it was provided that 
the army should march by four roads as nearly parallel as 
possible, except the cavalry, which remained under the direct 
control of the general commanding. The army was directed 
" to forage liberally on the country," but, except along the 
roadside, this was to be done by organized foraging parties 
appointed by the brigade commanders. Orders were issued 
forbidding soldiers to enter private dwellings or to commit 
any trespass. The corps commanders were given the option 
of destroying mills, cotton-gins, and the like, and where the 
army was molested in its march by the burning of bridges, 
obstructing the roads, and so forth, the devastation should be 
made " more or less relentless, according to the measure of 
such hostility." The cavalry and artillery and the foraging 





"On the 12th of November the railroad and telegraph communications with the rear were broken and the army stood detached from 
all friends, dependent on its own resources and supplies," writes Sherman. Meanwhile all detachments were marching rapidly to 
Atlanta with orders to break up the railroad en route and "generally to so damage the country as to make it untenable to the enemy." 
This was a necessary war measure. Sherman, in a home letter written from Grand Gulf, Mississippi, May 6, 1863, stated clearly 
his views regarding the destruction of property. Speaking of the wanton havoc wrought on a fine plantation in the path of the army, 
he added: "It is done, of course, by the accursed stragglers who won t fight but hang behind and disgrace our cause and country. Dr. 
Bowie had fled, leaving everything on the approach of our troops. Of course, devastation marked the whole path of the army, and 
I know all the principal officers detest the infamous practice as much as I do. Of course, I expect and do bike corn, bacon, ham, mules, 
and everything to support an army, and don t object much to the using of fences for firewood, but this universal burning and wanton 
destruction of private property is not justified in war." 



parties were permitted to take horses, mules, and wagons from 
the inhabitants without limit, except that they were to dis 
criminate in favor of the poor. It was a remarkable military 
undertaking, in which it was intended to remove restrictions 
only to a sufficient extent to meet the requirements of the 
march. The cavalry was commanded by General Judson Kil- 
patrick, who, after receiving a severe wound at Resaca, in 
May, had gone to his home on the banks of the Hudson, in 
New York, to recuperate, and, against the advice of his physi 
cian, had joined the army again at Atlanta. 

On November 15th, most of the great army was started 
on its march, Sherman himself riding out from the city next 
morning. As he rode near the spot where General McPher- 
son had fallen, he paused and looked back at the receding city 
with its smoking ruins, its blackened walls, and its lonely, 
tenantless houses. The vision of the desperate battles, of the 
hope and fear of the past few months, rose before him, as he 
tells us, " like the memory of a dream." The day was as per 
fect as Nature ever gives. The men were hilarious. They 
sang and shouted and waved their banners in the autumn 
breeze. Most of them supposed they were going directly 
toward Richmond, nearly a thousand miles away. As Sher 
man rode past them they would call out, " Uncle Billy, I 
guess Grant is waiting for us at Richmond." Only the com 
manders of the wings and Kilpatrick were entrusted with the 
secret of Sherman s intentions. But even Sherman was not 
fully decided as to his objective Savannah, Georgia, or Port 
Royal, South Carolina until well on the march. 

There w r as one certainty, however he was fully decided 
to keep the Confederates in suspense as to his intentions. To 
do this the more effectually he divided his army at the start, 
Howard leading his wing to Gordon by way of McDonough 
as if to threaten Macon, while Slocum proceeded to Coving- 
ton and Madison, with Milledgeville as his goal. Both were 
secretly instructed to halt, seven days after starting, at Gor- 



Sherman s men worked like beavers during their last few days 
in Atlanta. There was no time to be lost; the army was gotten 
under way with that precision which marked all Sherman s 
movements. In the upper picture, finishing touches are being 
put to the railroad, and in the lower is seen the short work 
that was made of such public buildings as might be of the 
slightest use in case the Confeder 
ates should recapture the town. 
As far back as Chattanooga, while 
plans for the Atlanta campaign 
were being formed, Sherman had 
been revolving a subsequent march 
to the sea in case he was successful. 
He had not then made up his mind 
whether it should be in the direction 
of Mobile or Savannah, but his 
Meridian campaign, in Mississippi, 
had convinced him that the march 
was entirely feasible, and gradually he 
worked out in his mind its masterly 
details. At seven in the morning 
on November 16th, Sherman rode 
out along the Docatur road, passed 
his marching troops, and near the 
spot where his beloved McPherson 
had fallen, paused for a last look at 
the city. "Behind us," he says, 
"lay Atlanta, smouldering and in 

ruins, the black smoke rising high in air and hanging like a 
pall over the ruined city." All about could be seen the glistening 
gun-barrels and white-topped wagons, "and the men marching 
steadily and rapidly with a cheery look and swinging pace." 
Some regimental band struck up "John Brown," and the thou 
sands of voices of the vast army joined with a mighty chorus in 
song. A feeling of exhilaration per 
vaded the troops. This marching 
into the unknown held for them the 
allurement of adventure, as none but 
Sherman knew their destination. 
But as he worked his way past them 
on the road, many a group called 
out, "Uncle Billy, I guess Grant is 
waiting for us at Richmond." The 
devil-may-care spirit of the troops 
brought to Sherman s mind grave 
thoughts of his own responsibility. 
He knew that success would be re 
garded as a matter of course, but 
should he fail the march would be 
set down as "the wild adventure 
of a crazy fool." He had no in 
tention of marching directly to 
Richmond, but from the first his 
objective was the seacoast, at 
Savannah or Port Royal, or even 
Pensacola, Florida. 


don and JVIilledgeville, the latter the capital of Georgia, about 
a hundred miles to the southeast. These two towns were 
about fifteen miles apart. 

General Hood and General Beauregard, who had come 
from the East to assist him, were in Tennessee, and it was 
some days after Sherman had left Atlanta that they heard 
of his movements. They realized that to follow him would 
now be futile. He was nearly three hundred miles away, and 
not only were the railroads destroyed, but a large part of the 
intervening country was utterly laid waste and incapable of 
supporting an army. The Confederates thereupon turned 
their attention to Thomas, who was also in Tennessee, and was 
the barrier between Hood and the Northern States. 

General Sherman accompanied first one corps of his 
army and then another. The first few days he spent with 
Davis corps of Slocum s wing. When they reached Coving- 
ton, the negroes met the troops in great numbers, shouting 
and thanking the Lord that " deliverance " had come at last. 
As Sherman rode along the streets they would gather around 
his horse and exhibit every evidence of adoration. 

The foraging parties consisted of companies of fifty men. 
Their route for the day in which they obtained supplies was 
usually parallel to that of the army, five or six miles from it. 
They would start out before daylight in the morning, many 
of them on foot; but when they rejoined the column in the 
evening they were no longer afoot. They were astride mules, 
horses, in family carriages, farm wagons, and mule carts, 
which they packed with hams, bacon, vegetables, chickens, 
ducks, and every imaginable product of a Southern farm that 
could be useful to an army. 

In the general orders, Sherman had forbidden the soldiers 
to enter private houses ; but the order was not strictly adhered 
to, as many Southern people have since testified. Sherman 
declares in his memoirs that these acts of pillage and violence 
were exceptional and incidental. On one occasion Sherman 



// fl 



In Hood s hasty evacuation of Atlanta many of his guns were left behind. These 12-pounder Napoleon bronze field-pieces have been 
gathered by the Federals from the abandoned fortifications, which had been equipped entirely with field artillery, such as these. It 
was an extremely useful capture for Sherman s army, whose supply of artillery had been somewhat limited during the siege, and still 
further reduced by the necessity to fortify Atlanta. On the march to the sea Sherman took with him only sixty-five field-pieces. 
The Negro refugees in the lower picture recall an embarrassment of the march to the sea. "Negroes of all sizes" flocked in the army s 
path and stayed there, a picturesque procession, holding tightly to the skirts of the army which they believed had come for the sole 
purpose of setting them free. The cavalcade of Negroes soon became so numerous that Sherman became anxious for his army s sus 
tenance, and finding an old gray-haired black at Covington, Sherman explained to him carefully that if the Negroes continued to swarm 
after the army it would fail in its purpose and they would not get their freedom. Sherman believed that the old man spread this 
news to the slaves along the line of march, and in part saved the army from being overwhelmed by the contrabands. 



saw a man with a ham on his musket, a jug of molasses under 
his arm, and a big piece of honey in his hand. As the man 
saw that he was observed by the commander, he quoted audibly 
to a comrade, from the general order, " forage liberally on 
the country." But the general reproved him and explained 
that foraging must be carried on only by regularly designated 

It is a part of military history that Sherman s sole pur 
pose was to weaken the Confederacy by recognized means of 
honorable warfare; but it cannot be denied that there were a 
great many instances, unknown to him, undoubtedly, of cow 
ardly hold-ups of the helpless inhabitants, or ransacking of 
private boxes and drawers in search of jewelry and other 
family treasure. This is one of the misfortunes of war one 
of war s injustices. Such practices always exist even under 
the most rigid discipline in great armies, and the jubilation 
of this march was such that human nature asserted itself in 
the license of warfare more than on most other occasions. 
General Washington met with similar situations in the Amer 
ican Revolution. The practice is never confined to either army 
in warfare. 

Opposed to Sherman were Wheeler s cavalry, and a large 
portion of the Georgia State troops which were turned over 
by General G. W. Smith to General Howell Cobb. Kilpat- 
rick and his horsemen, proceeding toward Macon, were con 
fronted by Wheeler and Cobb, but the Federal troopers drove 
them back into the town. However, they issued forth again, 
and on November 21st there was a sharp engagement with 
Kilpatrick at Griswoldville. The following day the Con 
federates were definitely checked and retreated. 

The night of November 22d, Sherman spent in the home 
of General Cobb, who had been a member of the United States 
Congress and of Buchanan s Cabinet. Thousands of soldiers 
encamped that night on Cobb s plantation, using his fences 
for camp-fire fuel. By Sherman s order, everything on the 


The task of General Hardee in defending 
Savannah was one of peculiar difficulty. 
He had only eighteen thousand men, and 
he was uncertain where Sherman would 
strike. Some supposed that Sherman 
would move at once upon Charleston, 
but Hardee argued that the Union army 
would have to establish a new base of 
supplies on the seacoast before attempt 
ing to cross the numerous deep rivers 
and swamps of South Caiolina. Har- 
dee s task therefore was to hold Savan 
nah just as long as possible, and then to 
withdraw northward to unite with the 
troops which General Bragg was as 
sembling, and with the detachments 
scattered at this time over the Carolinas. 
In protecting his position around Savan 
nah, Fort McAllister was of prime im 
portance, since it commanded the Great 
Ogeechee River in such a way as to pre 
vent the approach of the Federal fleet, 


Sherman s dependence for supplies. It 
was accordingly manned by a force of 
two hundred under command of Major 
G. W. Anderson, provided with fifty 
days rations for use in case the work 
became isolated. This contingency did 
not arrive. About noon of December 
l. 3th, Major Anderson s men saw troops 
in blue moving about in the woods. 
The number increased. The artillery 
on the land side of the fort was turned 
upon them as they advanced from one 
position to another, and sharpshooters 
picked off some of their officers. At 
half-past four o clock, however, the 
long-expected charge was made from 
three different directions, so that the 
defenders, too few in number to hold 
the whole line, were soon overpowered. 
Hardee now had to consider more nar 
rowly the best time fcr withdrawing 
from the lines at Savannah. 


I^rman s 3fftttal (Eampatgtta 


plantation movable or destructible was carried away next day, 
or destroyed. Such is the price of war. 

By the next night both corps of the Left Wing were 
at Milledgeville, and on the 24th started for Sandersville. 
Howard s wing was at Gordon, and it left there on the day 
that Slocum moved from Milledgeville for Irwin s Cross 
roads. A hundred miles below Milledgeville was a place called 
Millen, and here were many Federal prisoners which Sherman 
greatly desired to release. With this in view he sent Kilpat- 
rick toward Augusta to give the impression that the army was 
marching thither, lest the Confederates should remove the pris 
oners from Millen. Kilpatrick had reached Waynesboro when 
he learned that the prisoners had been taken away. Here he 
again encountered the Confederate cavalry under General 
Wheeler. A sharp fight ensued and Kilpatrick drove Wheeler 
through the town toward Augusta. As there was no further 
need of making a feint on Augusta, Kilpatrick turned back 
toward the Left Wing. Wheeler quickly followed and at 
Thomas Station nearly surrounded him, but Kilpatrick cut his 
way out. Wheeler still pressed on and Kilpatrick chose a good 
position at Buck Head Creek, dismounted, and threw up breast 
works. Wheeler attacked desperately, but was repulsed, and 
Kilpatrick, after being reenforced by a brigade from Davis 
corps, joined the Left Wing at Louisville. 

On the whole, the great march was but little disturbed by 
the Confederates. The Georgia militia, probably ten thou 
sand in all, did what they could to defend their homes and 
their firesides; but their endeavors were futile against the vast 
hosts that were sweeping through the country. In the skir 
mishes that took place between Atlanta and the sea the militia 
was soon brushed aside. Even their destroying of bridges and 
supplies in front of the invading army checked its progress 
but for a moment, as it was prepared for every such emergency. 
Wheeler, with his cavalry, caused more trouble, and engaged 
Kilpatrick s attention a large part of the time. But even he 



Savannah was better protected by nature from attack by land or water than any other city near the Atlantic seaboard. Stretch 
ing to the north, east, and southward lay swamps and morasses through which ran the river-approach of twelve miles to the town. 
Innumerable small creeks separated the marshes into islands over which it was out of the question for an army to march without 
first building roads and bridging miles of waterways. The Federal fleet had for months been on the blockade off the mouth of the 
river, and Savannah had been closed to blockade runners since the fall of Fort Pulaski in April, 1862. But obstructions and power 
ful batteries held the river, and Fort McAllister, ten miles to the south, on the Ogeechee, still held the city safe in its guardianship. 



Jtnal Ohmpmgtts 



did not seriously retard the irresistible progress of the legions 
of the North. 

The great army kept on its way by various routes, cover 
ing about fifteen miles a day, and leaving a swath of destruc 
tion, from forty to sixty miles wide, in its wake. Among 
the details attendant upon the march to the sea was that of 
scientifically destroying the railroads that traversed the region. 
Battalions of engineers had received special instruction in the 
art, together with the necessary implements to facilitate rapid 
work. But the infantry soon entered this service, too, and it 
was a common sight to see a thousand soldiers in blue stand 
ing beside a stretch of railway, and, when commanded, bend 
as one man and grasp the rail, and at a second command to 
raise in unison, which brought a thousand railroad ties up on 
end. Then the men fell upon them, ripping rail and tie apart, 
the rails to be heated to a white heat and bent in fantastic 
shapes about some convenient tree or other upright column, 
the ties being used as the fuel with which to make the fires. 
All public buildings that might have a military use w r ere 
burned, together with a great number of private dwellings 
and barns, some by accident, others wantonly. This fertile 
and prosperous region, after the army had passed, was a scene 
of ruin and desolation. 

As the army progressed, throngs of escaped slaves fol 
lowed in its trail, " from the baby in arms to the old negro 
hobbling painfully along," says General Howard, " negroes 
of all sizes, in all sorts of patched costumes, with carts and 
broken-down horses and mules to match." Many of the old 
negroes found it impossible to keep pace with the army for 
many days, and having abandoned their homes and masters 
who could have cared for them, they were left to die of hun 
ger and exposure in that naked land. 

After the Ogeechee River was crossed, the character of 
the country was greatly changed from that of central Georgia. 
No longer were there fertile farms, laden with their Southern 


Across these ditches at Fort McAllister, through entangling abatis, over palisading, the Federals had to fight every inch of their way 
against the Confederate garrison up to the very doors of their bomb-proofs, before the defenders yielded on December 13th. Sherman 
had at once perceived that the position could be carried only by a land assault. The fort was strongly protected by ditches, pali 
sades, and plentiful abatis; marshes and streams covered its flanks, but Sherman s troops knew that shoes and clothing and abundant 
rations were waiting for them just beyond it, and had any of them been asked if they could take the fort their reply would have been in 
the words of the poem : " Ain t we simply got to take it? " Sherman selected for the honor of the assault General Hazen s second division 
of the Fifteenth Corps, the same which he himself had commanded at Shiloh and Vicksburg. Gaily the troops crossed the bridge 
on the morning of the 13th. Sherman was watching anxiously through his glass late in the afternoon when a Federal steamer came 
up the river and signaled the query: "Is Fort McAllister taken?" To which Sherman sent reply: "Not yet, but it will be in a minute." 
At that instant Sherman saw Hazen s troops emerge from the woods before the fort, "the lines dressed as on parade, with colors flying." 
Immediately dense clouds of smoke belching from the fort enveloped the Federals. There was a pause; the smoke cleared away, and, 
says Sherman, "the parapets were blue with our men." Fort McAllister was taken. 

harvests of corn and vegetables, but rather rice plantations and 
great pine forests, the solemn stillness of which was broken 
by the tread of thousands of troops, the rumbling of wagon- 
trains, and by the shouts and music of the marching men and 
of the motley crowd of negroes that followed. 

Day by day Sherman issued orders for the progress of 
the wings, but on December 2d they contained the decisive 
words, " Savannah." What a tempting prize was this fine 
Southern city, and how the Northern commander would add 
to his laurels could he effect its capture ! The memories cling 
ing about the historic old town, with its beautiful parks and its 
magnolia-lined streets, are part of the inheritance of not only 
the South, but of all America. Here Oglethorpe had bartered 
with the wild men of the forest, and here, in the days of the 
Revolution, Count Pulaski and Sergeant Jasper had given 
up their lives in the cause of liberty. 

Sherman had partially invested the city before the middle 
of December; but it was well fortified and he refrained from 
assault. General Hardee, sent by Hood from Tennessee, had 
command of the defenses, with about eighteen thousand men. 
And there was Fort McAllister on the Ogeechee, protecting 
the city on the south. But this obstruction to the Federals 
was soon removed. General Hazen s division of the Fifteenth 
Corps was sent to capture the fort. At five o clock in the 
afternoon of the 13th Hazen s men rushed through a shower 
of grape, over abatis and hidden torpedoes, scaled the parapet 
and captured the garrison. That night Sherman boarded the 
Dandelion, a Union vessel, in the river, and sent a message to 
the outside world, the first since he had left Atlanta. 

Henceforth there was communication between the army 
and the Federal squadron, under the command of Admiral 
Dahlgren. Among the vessels that came up the river there 
was one that was received with great enthusiasm by the sol 
diers. It brought mail, tons of it, for Sherman s army, the 
accumulation of two months. One can imagine the eagerness 




Fort McAllister is at last in complete possession of the Federals, and a group of the men who had charged over these ramparts has 
arranged itself before the camera as if in the very act of firing the great gun that points seaward across the marshes, toward Ossabaw 
Sound. There is one very peculiar thing proved by this photograph the gun itself is almost in a fixed position as regards range and 
sweep of fire. Instead of the elevating screw to raise or depress the muzzle, there has been substituted a block of wood wedged with 
a heavy spike, and the narrow pit in which the gun carriage is sunk admits of it being turned but a foot or so to right or left. It 
evidently controlled one critical point in the river, but could not have been used in lending any aid to the repelling of General Hazen s 
attack. The officer pointing with outstretched arm is indicating the very spot at which a shell fired from his gun would fall. The 
men in the trench a re artillery men of General Hazen s division of the Fifteenth Corps; their appearance in their fine uniforms, polished 
breastplates and buttons, proves that Sherman s men could not have presented the ragged appearance that they are often pictured as 
doing in the war-time sketches. That Army and Navy have come together is proved also by the figure of a marine from the fleet, who 
isstandingat "Attention" just above the breach of the gun. Next, leaning on his saber, is a cavalryman, in short jacket and chin-strap. 


with which these war-stained veterans opened the longed-for 
letters and sought the answer to the ever-recurring question, 
" How are things at home? " 

Sherman had set his heart on capturing Savannah; but, on 
December 15th, he received a letter from Grant which greatly 
disturbed him. Grant ordered him to leave his artillery and 
cavalry, with infantry enough to support them, and with the 
remainder of his army to come by sea to Virginia and join 
the forces before Richmond. Sherman prepared to obey, but 
hoped that he w r ould be able to capture the city before the 
transports would be ready to carry him northward. 

He first called on Hardee to surrender the city, with a 
threat of bombardment. Hardee refused. Sherman hesitated 
to open with his guns because of the bloodshed it would occa 
sion, and on December 21st he was greatly relieved to discover 
that Hardee had decided not to defend the city, that he had 
escaped with his army the night before, by the one road that 
was still open to him, which led across the Savannah River 
into the Carolinas. The stream had been spanned by an im 
provised pontoon bridge, consisting of river-boats, with planks 
from city wharves for flooring and with old car-wheels for 
anchors. Sherman immediately took possession of the city, 
and on December 22d he sent to President Lincoln this mes 
sage: " I beg to present to you, as a Christmas gift, the city 
of Savannah, with one hundred and fifty heavy guns and plenty 
of ammunition, and also about twenty-five thousand bales of 
cotton." As a matter of fact, over two hundred and fifty guns 
were captured, and thirty-one thousand bales of cotton. Gen 
eral Hardee retreated to Charleston. 

Events in the West now changed Grant s views as to 
Sherman s joining him immediately in Virginia. On the 16th 
of December, General Thomas accomplished the defeat and 
utter rout of Hood s army at Nashville. In addition, it was 
found that, owing to lack of transports, it would take at least 
two months to transfer Sherman s whole army by sea. There- 




Here are the men thai marched to the sea 
doing their turn as day-laborers, gleefully trun 
dling their wheelbarrows, gathering up everything 
of value in Fort McAllister to swell the size of 
Sherman s "Christmas present." Brigadier- 
General W. B. Hazen, after his men had suc 
cessfully stormed the stubbornly defended fort, 
reported the capture of twenty-four pieces cf 
ordnance, with their equipment, forty tons of 
ammunition, a month s supply of food for the 
garrison, and the small arms of the command. 
In the upper picture the army engineers are 
busily at work removing a great 48-pounder 
8-inch Columbiad that had so long repelled the 
Federal fleet. There is always work enough and 
to spare for the engineers both before and after 
the capture of a fortified position. In the wheel 
barrows is a harvest of shells and torpedoes. 
These deadly instruments of destruction had 
been relied upon by the Confederates to protect 
the land approach to Fort McAllister, which was 

much less strongly defensible on that side t!ian 
at the waterfront. While Sherman s army was 
approaching Savannah one of his officers had his 
leg blown off by a torpedo buried in the road and 
stepped on by his horse. After that Sherman 
set a line of Confederate prisoners across the 
road to march ahead of the army, and no more 
torpedoes were found. Alter the capture of 
Fort McAllister the troops set to work gingerly 
scraping about wherever the ground seemed to 
have been disturbed, trying to find and remove 
the dangerous hidden menaces to life. At last 
the ground was rendered safe and the troops 
settled down to the occupation of Fort McAllister 
where the bravely fighting little Confederate 
garrison had held the key to Savannah. The 
city was the first to fall of the Confederacy s 
Atlantic seaports, now almost locked from the 
outside world by the blockade. By the capture 
of Fort McAllister, which crowned the march to 
the sea, Sherman had numbered the days of the 
war. The fall of the remaining ports was to 
follow in quick succession, and by Washing 
ton s Birthday, 1865, the entire coast-line was 
to be in possession of the Federals. 

-C**v. ^ 

. * 

i -- ; 




Jfftnal Qkmpatgtts 


fore, it was decided that Sherman should march through the 
Carolinas, destroying the railroads in both States as he went. 
A little more than a month Sherman remained in Savannah. 
Then he began another great march, compared with which, as 
Sherman himself declared, the march to the sea was as child s 
play. The size of his army on leaving Savannah was prac 
tically the same as when he left Atlanta sixty thousand. It 
was divided into two wings, under the same commanders, 
Howard and Slocum, and was to be governed by the same 
rules. Kilpatrick still commanded the cavalry. The march 
from Savannah averaged ten miles a day, which, in view of the 
conditions, was a very high average. The weather in the early 
part of the journey was exceedingly wet and the roads were 
well-nigh impassable. Where they were not actually under 
water the mud rendered them impassable until corduroyed. 
Moreover, the troops had to wade streams, to drag themselves 
through swamps and quagmires, and to remove great trees 
that had been -felled across their pathway. 

The city of Savannah was left under the control of Gen 
eral J. G. Foster, and the Left Wing of Sherman s army under 
Slocum moved up the Savannah River, accompanied by Kil 
patrick, and crossed it at Sister s Ferry. The river was over 
flowing its banks and the crossing, by means of a pontoon 
bridge, was effected with the greatest difficulty. The Right 
Wing, under Howard, embarked for Beaufort, South Caro 
lina, and moved thence to Pocotaligo, near the Broad River, 
whither Sherman had preceded it, and the great march north 
ward was fairly begun by February 1, 1865. 

Sherman had given out the word that he expected to go 
to Charleston or Augusta, his purpose being to deceive the 
Confederates, since he had made up his mind to march straight 
to Columbia, the capital of South Carolina. 

The two wings of the army were soon united and they 
continued their great march from one end of the State of South 
Carolina to the other. The men felt less restraint in devas- 




The Eighth Minnesota Regiment, which had joined Sherman on his second march, was with him when Johnston s surrender wrote 
"Finis" to the last chapter of the war, April 26, 1865. In Bennett s little farmhouse, near Durham s Station, N. C., were begun 
the negotiations between Johnston and Sherman which finally led to that event. The two generals met there on April 17th; it was a 
highly dramatic moment, for Sherman had in his pocket the cipher message just received telling of the assassination of Lincoln. 





tating the country and despoiling the people than they had 
felt in Georgia. The reason for this, given by Sherman and 
others, was that there was a feeling of bitterness against South 
Carolina as against no other State. It was this State that 
had led the procession of seceding States and that had fired 
on Fort Sumter and brought on the great war. No doubt 
this feeling, which pervaded the army, will account in part for 
the reckless dealing with the inhabitants by the Federal sol 
diery. The superior officers, however, made a sincere effort 
to restrain lawlessness. 

On February 17th, Sherman entered Columbia, the mayor 
having come out and surrendered the city. The Fifteenth 
Corps marched through the city and out on the Camden road, 
the remainder of the army not having come within two miles 
of the city. On that night Columbia was in flames. The con 
flagration spread and ere the coming of the morning the best 
part of the city had been laid in ashes. 

Before Sherman left Columbia he destroyed the machine- 
shops and everything else which might aid the Confederacy. 
He left with the mayor one hundred stand of arms with which 
to keep order, and five hundred head of cattle for the destitute. 

As Columbia was approached by the Federals, the occu 
pation of Charleston by the Confederates became more and 
more untenable. In vain had the governor of South Carolina 
pleaded with President Davis to reenforce General Hardee, 
who occupied the city. Hardee thereupon evacuated the his 
toric old city much of which was burned, whether by design 
or accident is not known and its defenses, including Fort 
Sumter, the bombardment of which, nearly four years before, 
had precipitated the mighty conflict, were occupied by Colonel 
Bennett, who came over from Morris Island. 

On March llth, Sherman reached Fayetteville, North 
Carolina, where he destroyed a fine arsenal. Hitherto, Sher 
man s march, except for the annoyance of Wheeler s cavalry, 
had been but slightly impeded by the Confederates. But 



This craft, the " Commodore Perry," was an old New York ferryboat purchased and hastily pressed into 
service by the Federal navy to help solve the problem of patrolling the three thousand miles of coast, along 
which the blockade must be made effective. In order to penetrate the intricate inlets and rivers, light- 
draft fighting- vessels were required, and the most immediate means of securing these was to purchase every 
sort of merchant craft that could possibly be adapted to the purposes of war, either as a fighting-vessel 
or as a transport. The ferryboat in the picture has been provided with guns and her pilot-houses armored. 
A casemate of iron plates has been provided for the gunners. The Navy Department purchased and 
equipped in all one hundred and thirty-six vessels in 1861, and by the end of the year had increased the 
number of seamen in the service from 7,600 to over 22,000. Many of these new recruits saw their first, 
active service aboard the converted ferryboats, tugboats, and other frail and unfamiliar vessels making up 
the nondescript fleet that undertook to cut off the commerce of the South. The experience thus gained 
under very unusual circumstances placed them of necessity among the bravest sailors of the navy. 


henceforth this was changed. General Joseph B. Johnston, 
his old foe of Resaca and Kenesaw Mountain, had been re 
called and was now in command of the troops in the Carolinas. 
No longer would the streams and the swamps furnish the only 
resistance to the progress of the Union army. 

The first engagement came at Averyshoro on March 
16th. General Hardee, having taken a strong position, made 
a determined stand; but a division of Slocum s wing, aided 
by Kilpatrick, soon put him to flight, with the loss of several 
guns and over two hundred prisoners. 

The battle of Bentonville, which took place three days 
after that of Averysboro, was more serious. Johnston had 
placed his whole army, probably thirty-five thousand men, in 
the form of a V, the sides embracing the village of Benton 
ville. Slocum engaged the Confederates while Howard was 
hurried to the scene. On two days, the 19th and 20th of 
March, Sherman s army fought its last battle in the Civil 
War. But Johnston, after making several attacks, resulting 
in considerable losses on both sides, withdrew his army during 
the night, and the Union army moved to Goldsboro. The 
losses at Bentonville were: Federal, 1,527; Confederate, 2,606. 

At Goldsboro the Union army was reenforced by its 
junction with Schofield, who had come out of the West with 
over twenty-two thousand men from the army of Thomas in 
Tennessee. But there was little need of reenforcement. Sher 
man s third great march was practically over. As to the rela 
tive importance of the second and third, Sherman declares in 
his memoirs, he would place that from Atlanta to the sea at 
one, and that from Savannah through the Carolinas at ten. 

Leaving his army in charge of Schofield, Sherman went 
to City Point, in Virginia, where he had a conference with 
General Grant and President Lincoln, and plans for the final 
campaign were definitely arranged. He returned to Golds 
boro late in March, and, pursuing Johnston, received, finally, 
on April 26th the surrender of his army. 



Fort Fisher, captured January 15, 1865. With the capture of Fort Fisher, Wilmington, the great importing depot of the South, on 
which General Lee said the subsistence of his army depended, was finally closed to all blockade runners. The Federal navy con 
centrated against the fortifications of this port the most powerful naval force ever assembled up to that time fifty-five ships of war, 
including five ironclads, altogether carrying six hundred guns. The upper picture shows the nature of the palisade, nine feet high, 
over which some two thousand marines attempted to pass; the lower shows interior of the works after the destructive bombardment. 




u~ The blockade-runner "A. D. Vance." It frequently took a blockade-runner to catch a 
4^1 A blockade-runner, and as the Federal navy captured ship after ship of this character they 
began to acquire a numerous fleet of swift steamers from which it was difficult for any vessel 
to get away. The "Vance" brought many a cargo to the hungry Southern ports, slipping 
safely by the blockading fleet and back again till her shrewd Captain Willie felt that he 
could give the slip to anything afloat. On her last trip she had safely gotten by the Federal 
vessels lying off the harbor of Wilmington, North Carolina, and was dancing gleefully on 
her way with a bountiful cargo of cotton and turpentine when, on September 10, 1864, 
in latitude 34 N., longitude 76 W., a vessel was sighted which rapidly bore down upon 
her. < It proved to be the "Santiago de Cuba," Captain O. S. Glisson. The rapidity with 
which the approaching vessel overhauled him was enough to convince Captain Willie that 
she was in his own class. The "Santiago de Cuba" carried eleven guns, and the "Vance" 
humbly hove to, to receive the prize-crew which took her to Boston, where she was con 
demned. In the picture we see her lying high out of the water, her valuable cargo having 
been removed and sold to enrich by prize-money the officers and men of her fleet captor. 


The wreck of this blockade-runner, the "Colt," lies off Sullivan s Island, Charleston Harbor, in 
1865. The coast of the Carolinas, before the war was over, was strewn with just such sights as 
this. The bones of former "greyhounds" became landmarks by which the still uncaptured block 
ade-runners could get their bearings and lay a course to safety. If one of these vessels were cut 
off from making port and surrounded by Federal pursuers, the next best thing was to run her ashore 
in shallow water, where the gunboats could not follow and where her valuable cargo could be se 
cured by the Confederates. A single cargo at war-time prices was enough to pay more than the 
cost of the vessel. Regular auctions were held in Charleston or Wilmington, where prices for 
goods not needed by the Confederate Government were run up to fabulous figures. The business 
of blockade-running was well organized abroad, especially in England. One successful trip 
was enough to start the enterprise with a handsome profit. A blockade-runner like the "Kate, 
which made forty trips or more, would enrich her owners almost beyond the dreams of avarice. 



Here are two striking 
views in the Port Royal 
dry-dock of the Confed 
erate ram "Stonewall." 
"When this powerful 
fighting-ship sailed from 
Copenhagen, Jan. 6, 
1805, under command of 
Capt.T.J. Page,C.S.N., 
the Federal navy became 
confronted by its most 
formidable antagonist 
during the war. In 
March, 1803, the Con 
federacy had negotiated 
a loan of 3,000,000, 
and being thus at last 

in possession of the necessary funds, Captain Bulloch and Mr. Slidell arranged with M. Arman, who was a member of the Corps-Lcgislatif 
and proprietor of a large shipyard at Bordeaux, for the construction of ironclad ships of war. Mr. Slidell had already received assur 
ances from persons in the confidence of Napoleon III that the building cf the ships in the French yards would not be interfered with, 
and that getting them to sea would be connived at by the Government. Owing to the indubitable proof laid before the Emperor 
by the Federal diplomats at Paris, he was compelled to revoke the guarantee that had been given to Slidell and Bulloch. A plan was 
arranged, however, by which M. Arman should sell the vessels to various European powers; and he disposed of the ironclad ram 
" Sphinx " to the Danish Government, then at war with Prussia. Delivery of the ship at Copenhagen was not made, however, till after 
the war had ceased, and no trouble was experienced by the Confederates in arranging for the purchase of the vessel. On January 
24, 1805, she rendezvoused off Quiberon, on the French coast; the remainder of her ofncers, crew, and supplies were put aboard of her; 

the Confederate flag 
was hoisted over her, 
and she was christened 
the "Stonewall." Al 
ready the vessel was 
discovered to have 
sprung a leak, and Cap 
tain Page ran into 
Ferrol, Spain. Here 
dock - yard facilities 
were at first granted, 
but were withdrawn 
at the protest of the 
American Minister. 
While Captain Page 
was repairing his ves 
sel as best he could, 
the "Niagara" and 
the "Sacramento" ap 
peared, and after some 
weeks the Stonewall 
offered battle in vain. 
[Part XV] 


Painted by P. U ilhelmi. 


Copyright, jgor, by Petrien-fCevdfl Co., 
Detroit, Mich.. U. S. A. 


IN the latter days of September, 1864, the Confederate 
Army of Tennessee lay in the vicinity of Macon, Georgia. 
It was a dispirited body of men, homesick and discouraged. 
For four long months, first under one leader and then under 
another, it had opposed, step by step, Sherman s advance 
toward Atlanta, and now that important strategic point was 
in the hands of the Federal forces. About the middle of July 
the President of the Confederacy had seen fit to remove Joseph 
E. Johnston from the command and replace him with John 
B. Hood. The latter s habit of mind and methods of action 
led the Richmond authorities to believe that he would proceed 
very differently from Johnston, and in this he did not disap 
point them. The results showed that Johnston s Fabian policy 
was by far the better one under the circumstances. Sherman 
had the stronger army, but he was compelled constantly to 
detach portions of it in order to guard his lengthening line of 
supplies. The one thing he desired most was that his opponent 
should assume an aggressive attitude. Hood s idea was pre 
cipitation rather than patience, and in consequence on the 2d 
of September General Slocum entered the coveted city. 

On the 22d of that month President Davis visited the 
Southern Army, and made a memorable address to the troops. 
He promised them and they were delighted at the news that 
they would soon be back in Tennessee, for a fresh invasion of 
that State had been planned. This would, declared the 
speaker, place Sherman in a worse predicament than that in 
which Napoleon found himself at Moscow. But the Federal 
general had at least the advantage of learning what was going 
to happen to him, for the President s words were reported 


nmklin mtfc NashuiU? * * * * * 


I Oct. 
1 1864 

^x""" g| verbatim in the Southern papers, and he prepared to meet his 
antagonists. Thomas, with the Army of the Cumberland, was 
sent to Nashville while Schofield, with his smaller force known 
as the Army of the Ohio, returned to Knoxville where he had 
spent the previous winter, to await Hood s advance. By the 
1st of October the latter was across the Chattahoochee in the 
hope of drawing Sherman from Atlanta. There was a brave 
fight at Allatoona where General Corse "held the fort," but 
Sherman, although he followed the Confederate army, was 
unable to bring on a general engagement. 

His great plan of a march through Georgia to the sea was 
now fully formed in his mind. He had not yet obtained 
Grant s sanction to the scheme, but he ordered Schofield to 
cooperate with Thomas and sent the Fourth Corps as further 
assistance. He himself ceased the pursuit of Hood at Gayles- 
ville and turned back to Atlanta, confident that the fate of 
Tennessee was safe in the hands of his ablest lieutenant, George 
H. Thomas. Hood appeared on the 26th of October at 
Decatur on the south bank of the Tennessee River. Lack of 
supplies had delayed his advance, but even so his performances 
had greatly alarmed the North. Twice had he interposed 
between Sherman and the Federal base and had destroyed 
many miles of railway, but what in other circumstances would 
have placed the Union leader in a dangerous predicament was 
now of little moment, since the latter was rapidly making prep 
arations to cut himself off from all communication with the 
source of his supplies. It was necessary that Hood should 
have the assistance of Forrest, whose dauntless cavalry had 
been playing great havoc with the Federal stores in western 
Tennessee, so he moved to Florence before crossing the river, 
and here Forrest joined him on November 14th. In the mean 
time, Schofield, with about twenty-eight thousand men, had 
reached Pulaski on the way to encounter the Southern advance. 
Now began a series of brilliant strategic moves, kept up 
for a fortnight before the two small armies they were of 




When Thomas began to draw together his forces to meet Hood at Nashville, he ordered the garrison at 
Johnsonville, on the Tennessee, eighty miles due west of Nashville, to leave that place and hasten north. 
It was the garrison at this same Johnsonville that, a month earlier, had been frightened into panic and 
flight when the bold Confederate raider, Forrest, appeared on the west bank of the river and began a noisy 
cannonade. New troops had been sent to the post. They appear well coated and equipped. The day 
after the photograph was taken (November 23d) the encampment in the picture was broken. 



almost equal strength met in one awful clash. Hood s efforts 
were bent toward cutting Schofield off from Thomas at Nash 
ville. There was a mad race for the Duck River, and the 
Federals got over at Columbia in the very nick of time. The 
Southern leader, by a skilful piece of strategy and a forced 
march, pushed on to Spring Hill ahead of his opponent. He 
was in an excellent position to annihilate General Stanley who 
was in advance, and then crush the remainder of the Federals 
who were moving with the slow wagon-trains. But owing to 
a number of strange mishaps, which brought forth much 
recrimination but no satisfactory explanation, the Union army 
slipped by with little damage and entrenched itself at Franklin 
on the Harpeth River. Of all the dark days of Confederate 
history and they were many the 29th of November, 1864, 
has been mourned as that of "lost opportunities." 

Schofield did not expect, or desire, a battle at Franklin, 
but he was treated to one the following afternoon when the 
Confederates came up, and it was of the most severe nature. 
The first attack was made as the light began to wane, and the 
Federal troops stood their ground although the orders had 
been to withdraw, because through some blunder two brigades 
in blue had been stationed, unsupported, directly in front of 
Hood s approach. The stubborn resistance of Schofield s army 
only increased the ardor of the opponents. It is said that 
thirteen separate assaults were made upon the Union entrench 
ments, and the fearful carnage was finally carried into the 
streets and among the dooryards of the little town. At nine 
o clock the fury of the iron storm was quelled. Five Con 
federate generals, including the gallant Cleburne, lay dead 
upon the field. In two of the Southern brigades all the general 
officers were either killed or wounded. Hood s loss was about 
sixty-three hundred, nearly three times that of Schofield. By 
midnight the latter was on his way, uninterrupted, to Nashville. 

Meanwhile Thomas was performing a herculean task 
within the fortifications of that capital city. He had received 



It was Hood s hope that, when he had advanced his line to the left of the position shown in this photo 
graph, he might catch a weak spot in Thomas forces. But Thomas had no weak spots. From the case 
mate, armored with railroad iron, shown here, the hills might be easily seen on which the Confederate 
center and left were posted at the opening of the great battle of Nashville. 


rankltn anft 


a large number of raw recruits and a motley collection of 
troops from garrisons in the West. These had to be drilled 
into an efficient army, and not one move to fight would Thomas 
make until this had been done. Grant, in Virginia, grew impa 
tient and the Northern papers clamored for an attack on Hood, 
who had now arrived with thirty-eight thousand men before 
the city. Finally Grant took action, and General Logan was 
hurrying to assume the Federal command. But by the time 
he reached Louisville there was no need for his services. 

Thomas had for some days been ready with his force of 
forty-five thousand, but to increase the difficulties of his posi 
tion, a severe storm of freezing rain made action impossible 
until the morning of December 15th. The Union lines of 
defense were in a semi-circle and Hood was on the southeast, 
lightly entrenched. The first assault on his right wing fol 
lowed by one on his left, forced the Confederates back to a 
second position two miles to the south, and that was the first 
day s work. Hood had detached a part of his forces and he 
did all he could to gain time until he might recover his full 
strength. But he had respite only until Thomas was ready 
on the morrow, which was about noon. The Union army 
deployed in front of the Southerners and overlapped their left 
wing. An attack on the front was bravely met and repulsed 
by the Confederates, and the Federal leader, extending his 
right, compelled his opponent to stretch his own lines more and 
more. Finally they broke just to the left of the center, and a 
general forward movement on the Union side ended in the utter 
rout of the splendid and courageous Army of Tennessee. 

It melted away in disorder ; the pursuit was vigorous, and 
only a small portion reassembled at Columbia and fell back 
with a poor show of order behind the Tennessee. 

Many military historians have seen in the battle of Nash 
ville the most crushing defeat of the war. Certainly no other 
brought such complete ruin upon a large and well-organized 
body of troops. 



Camp-fires were still smouldering along the side of the abatis where the lens caught the field of Nashville, while Thomas concentric 
forward movement was in progress. Note the abatis to the right of the picture, the wagons moving and ready to move in the back 
ground, and the artillery on the left. White tents gleam from the distant hills. A few straggling soldiers remain. The Federals 
are closing with Hood s army a couple of miles to the right of the scene in the picture. 


v , 


It is not improbable that Grant might have made more headway by 
leaving a sufficient part of his army in the trenches in front of Petersburg 
and by moving with a heavy force far to the west upon Lee\s communica 
tions; or, if it were determined to capture the place a main forte., by 
making a massed attack upon some point in the center after suitable min 
ing operations had weakened Lee\s defenses and prepared for such an 
operation. But the end was to come with opening spring. To the far- 
sighted, this was no longer doubtful. The South must succumb to the 
greater material resources of the North, despite its courage and its sacri 
fices. Colonel T. A. Dodge, U.S.A., in "A Bird^s-Eye View of Our Civil 

DURING the winter of 1864-65, General Lee, fighting 
Grant without, was fighting famine within. The shiv 
ering, half-clad soldiers of the South crouched over feeble fires 
in their entrenchments. The men were exposed to the rain, 
snow, and sleet; sickness and disease soon added their horrors 
to the desolation. The finances of the Government w r ere almost 
gone. The life of the Confederacy was ebbing fast. 

Behind Union breastworks, early in 1865, General Grant 
was making preparations for the opening of a determined cam 
paign with the coming of spring. Mile after mile had been 
added to his entrenchments, and they now extended to 
Hatcher s Run on the left. The Confederate lines had been 
stretched until they were so thin that there was constant danger 
of breaking. A. P. Hill was posted on the right; Gordon and 
Anderson held the center, and Longstreet was on the left. 
Union troops were mobilizing in front of Petersburg. By 
February 1st, Sherman was fairly off from Savannah on his 
northward march to join Grant. He was weak in cavalry and 



This beautiful old mansion on Bo- 
lingbroke Street could look back to 
the days of buckles and small 
clothes; it wears an aggrieved and 
surprised look, as if wondering why 
it should have received such buffet- 
ings as its pierced walls, its shattered 
windows and doorway show. Yet 
it was more fortunate than some of 
its near-by neighbors, which were 
never again after the visitation of 
the falling shells fit habitations for 
mankind. Many of these handsome 
residences were utterly destroyed, 
their fixtures shattered beyond re 
pair; their wainscoting, built when 
the Commonwealth of Virginia was 



ruled over by the representative of 
King George, was torn from the 
walls and, bursting into flames, made 
a funeral pyre of past comforts and 
magnificence. The havoc wrought 
upon the dwellings of the town was 
heavy; certain localities suffered 
more than others, and those resi 
dents who seemed to dwell in the 
safest zones had been ever ready to 
open their houses to the sick and 
wounded of Lee s army. As Grant s 
troops marched in, many pale faces 
gazed out at them from the win 
dows, and at the doorsteps stood 
men whose wounds exempted them 
from ever bearing arms again. 


J I 

Grant determined to bring Sheridan from the Shenandoah, 
whence the bulk of Early s forces had been withdrawn, and 
send him to assist Sherman. Sheridan left Winchester Febru 
ary 27th, wreaking much destruction as he advanced, but cir 
cumstances compelled him to seek a new base at White House. 
On March 27th he formed a junction with the armies of the 
Potomac and the James. Such were the happenings that 
prompted Lee to prepare for the evacuation of Petersburg. 
And he might be able, in his rapid marches, to outdistance 
Grant, join his forces with those of Johnston, fall on Sherman, 
destroy one wing of the Union army and arouse the hopes of 
his soldiers, and prolong the life of his Government. 

General Grant knew the condition of Lee s army and, 
with the unerring instinct of a military leader, surmised what 
the plan of the Southern general must be. He decided to 
move on the left, destroy both the Danville and South Side 
railroads, and put his army in better condition to pursue. The 
move was ordered for March 29th. 

General Lee, in order to get Grant to look another way 
for a while, decided to attack Grant s line on the right, and gain 
some of the works. This would compel Grant to draw some of 
his force from his left and secure a way of escape to the west. 
This bold plan was left for execution to the gallant Georgian, 
General John B. Gordon, who had successfully led the 
reverse attack at Cedar Creek, in the Shenandoah, in Oc 
tober, 1864. Near the crater stood Fort Stedman. Between 
it and the Confederate front, a distance of about one hundred 
and fifty yards, was a strip of firm earth, in full view of both 
picket lines. Across this space some deserters had passed to 
the Union entrenchments. General Gordon took advantage 
of this fact and accordingly selected his men, who, at the sound 
of the signal gun, should disarm the Federal pickets, while fifty 
more men were to cross the open space quickly with axes and 
cut away the abatis, and three hundred others were to rush 
through the opening, and capture the fort and guns. 












For nine months of 64- 65 the musket-balls sang past these Federal picket posts, in advance of Federal Fort Sedgwick, called by the 
Confederates "Fort, Hell." Directly opposite was the Confederate Fort Mahone, which the Federals, returning the compliment, had 
dubbed "Fort Damnation." Between the two lines, separated by only fifty yards, sallies and counter-sallies were continual occur 
rences after dark. In stealthy sorties one side or the other frequently captured the opposing pickets before alarm could be given. 
Xo nig-ht was without its special hazard. During the day the pastime here was sharp-shooting with muskets and rifled cannon. 

At four o clock on the morning of March 25, 1865, Gor 
don had everything in readiness. His chosen band wore white 
strips of cloth across the breast, that they might distinguish 
each other in the hand-to-hand fight that would doubtless 
ensue. Behind these men half of Lee s army was massed to 
support the attack. In the silence of the early morning, a gun 
shot rang out from the Confederate works. Not a Federal 
picket-shot was heard. The axemen rushed across the open 
and soon the thuds of their axes told of the cutting away of 
the abatis. The three hundred surged through the entrance, 
overpowered the gunners, captured batteries to the right and 
to the left, and were in control of the situation. Gordon s corps 
of about five thousand was on hand to sustain the attack but 
the remaining reserves, through failure of the guides, did not 
come, and the general found himself cut off with a rapidly in 
creasing army surrounding him. 

Fort Haskell, on the left, began to throw its shells. Under 
its cover, heavy columns of Federals sent by General Parke, 
now commanding the Ninth Corps, pressed forward. The 
Confederates resisted the charge, and from the captured Fort 
Stedman and the adjoining batteries poured volley after vol 
ley on Willcox s advancing lines of blue. The Northerners fell 
back, only to re-form and renew the attack. This time they 
secured a footing, and for twenty minutes the fighting was ter 
rific. Again they were repulsed. Then across the brow of the 
hill swept the command of Hartranft. The blue masses lit 
erally poured onto the field. The furious musketry, and ar 
tillery directed by General Tidball, shrivelled up the ranks of 
Gordon until they fled from the fort and its neighboring bat 
teries in the midst of withering fire, and those who did not 
were captured. This was the last aggressive effort of the ex 
piring Confederacy in front of Petersburg, and it cost three 
thousand men. The Federal loss was not half that number. 

The affair at Fort Stedman did not turn Grant from his 
plans against the Confederate right. With the railroads here 




These well-made protections of sharpened spikes, as formidable as the pointed spears of a Roman legion, are chevaux-de-frise of the 
Confederates before their main works at Petersburg. They were built after European models, the same as employed in the Napo 
leonic wars, and were used by both besiegers and besieged along the lines south of the Appomattox. Those shown in this picture 
were in front of the entrenchments near Elliott s salient and show how effectually it was protected from any attempt to storm the 
works by rushing tactics on the part of the Federal infantry. Not far from here lies the excavation of the Crater. 

atti 3f all nf 


\ April 

Er^S\<\\\ vVr~^w 

destroyed, Richmond would be completely cut off. On the 
morning of the 29th, as previously arranged, the movement 
began. Sheridan swept to the south with his cavalry, as if he 
were to fall upon the railroads. General Warren, with fifteen 
thousand men, was working his way through the tangled woods 
and low swamps in the direction of Lee s right. At the same 
time, Lee stripped his entrenchments at Petersburg as much as 
he dared and hurried General Anderson, with infantry, and 
Fitzhugh Lee, with cavalry, forward to hold the roads over 
which he hoped to escape. On Friday morning, March 31st, 
the opposing forces, the Confederates much reenforced, found 
themselves at Dinwiddie Court House. The woods and swamps 
prevented the formation of a regular line of battle. Lee made 
his accustomed flank movement, with heavy loss to the Federals 
as they tried to move in the swampy forests. The Northerners 
finally were ready to advance when it was found that Lee had 
fallen back. During the day and night, reenforcements were 
coming in from all sides. The Confederates had taken their 
position at Five Forks. 

Early the next afternoon, the 1st of April, Sheridan, re- 
enforced by Warren, was arranging his troops for battle. The 
day was nearly spent when all was in readiness. The sun was 
not more than two hours high when the Northern army moved 
toward that of the South, defended by a breastwork behind a 
dense undergrowth of pines. Through this mass of timber 
the Federals crept with bayonets fixed. They charged upon 
the Confederates, but, at the same time, a galling fire poured 
into them from the left, spreading dismay and destruction in 
their midst. The intrepid Sheridan urged his black battle- 
charger, the famous Rienzi, now known as Winchester, up and 
down the lines, cheering his men on in the fight. He seemed 
to be everywhere at once. The Confederate left was streaming 
down the White Oak Road. But General Crawford had 
reached a cross-road, by taking a circuitous route, and the 
Southern army was thus shut off from retreat. The Federal 

[Concluded on page 294} 

To this gallant young Georgia officer, 
just turned thirty -three at the time, 
Lee entrusted the last desperate effort 
to break through the tightening Fed 
eral lines, March 25, 1865. Lee was 
confronted by the dilemma of either 
being starved out of Petersburg and 
Richmond, or of getting out himself 
and uniting his army to that of John 
ston in North Carolina, to crush Sher 
man before Grant could reach him. 
Gordon was to begin this latter, 
almost impossible, task by an attack 
on Fort Stedman, which the Confed 
erates believed to be the weakest point 
in the Federal fortifications^ The 
position had been captured from them 
in the beginning, and they knew that 
the nature of the ground and its near 
ness to their own lines had made it 
difficult to strengthen it very much. 
It was planned to surprise the fort before 
daylight. Below are seen the rabbit- 
like burrows of Gracie s Salient, past 
which Gordon led his famished men. 
When the order came to go forward, 
they did not flinch, but hurled them 
selves bravely against fortifications far stronger than their own. 
Three columns of a hundred picked men each moved down the 
slope shown on the left and advanced in the darkness against 

C. S. 


Stedman. They were to be followed 
by a division. Through the gap 
which the storming parties were 
expected to open in the Federal lines, 
Gordon s columns would rush in both 
directions and a cavalry force was to 
sweep on and destroy the pontoon 
bridges across the Appomattox and to 
raid City Point, breaking up the Fed 
eral base. It was no light task, for 
although Fort Stedman itself was 
weak, it was flanked by Battery No. 
10 on the right and by Battery No. 11 
on the left. An attacking party on the 
right would be exposed to an enfilad 
ing fire in crossing the plain; while on 
the left the approach was difficult be 
cause of ravines, one of which the Con 
federate engineers had turned into a 
pond by damming a creek. All night 
long General Gordon s wife, with the 
brave women of Petersburg, sat up 
tearing strips of white cloth, to be tied 
on the arms of the men in the storming 
parties so that they could tell friend 
from foe in the darkness and confusion 
of the assault. Before the sleep-dazed 

Federals could offer effective resistance, Gordon s men had pos 
session of the fort and the batteries. Only after one of the sever 
est engagements of the siege were the Confederates driven back. 





cavalry had dismounted and was doing its full share of work. 
The Confederates soon found themselves trapped, and the part 
of their army in action that day was nearly annihilated. Ahout 
five thousand prisoners were taken. 

With night came the news of the crushing blow to Lee. 
General Grant was seated by his camp-fire surrounded by his 
staff, when a courier dashed into his presence with the message 
of victory. Soon from every great gun along the Union line 
belched forth the sheets of flame. The earth shook with the 
awful cannonade. Mortar shells made huge parabolas through 
the air. The Union batteries crept closer and closer to the 
Confederate lines and the balls crashed into the streets of the 
doomed city. The bombardment of Petersburg was on. 

At dawn of the 2nd of April the grand assault began. 
The Federal troops sprang forward with a rush. Despite the 
storms of grape and canister, the Sixth Corps plunged through 
the battery smoke, and across the walls, pushing the brave de 
fenders to the inner works. The whole corps penetrated the 
lines and swept everything before it toward Hatcher s Run. 
Some of the troops even reached the South Side Railroad, 
where the brave General A. P. Hill fell mortally wounded. 

Everywhere, the blue masses poured into the works. Gen 
eral Ord, on the right of the Sixth Corps, helped to shut the 
Confederate right into the city. General Parke, with the Ninth 
Corps, carried the main line. The thin gray line could no 
longer stem the tide that was engulfing it. The Confederate 
troops south of Hatcher s Run fled to the west, and fought 
General Miles until General Sheridan and a division from 
Meade appeared on the scene. By noon the Federals held 
the line of the outer works from Fort Gregg to the Ap- 
pomattox. The last stronghold carried was Fort Gregg, at 
which the men of Gibbon s corps had one of the most desperate 
struggles of the war. The Confederates now fell back to the 
inner fortifications and the siege of Petersburg came to an end. 


As his general watched, this boy fought to stem the Federal rush but fell, his breast pierced by a bayonet, in the trenches of Fort 
Mahonc. It is heart-rending to look at a picture such as this; it is sad to think of it and to write about it. Here is a boy of 
only fourteen years, his face innocent of a razor, his feet unshod and stockingless in the bitter April weather. It is to be hoped 
that the man who slew him has forgotten it, for this face would haunt him surely. Many who fought in the blue ranks were young, 
but in the South there were whole companies made up of such boys as this. At the battle of Newmarket the scholars of the Vir- 
gina Military Institute, the eldest seventeen and the youngest twelve, marched from the classrooms under arms, joined the forces 
of General Breckinridge, and aided by their historic charge to gain a brilliant victory over the Federal General Sigel. The never- 
give-in spirit was implanted in the youth of the Confederacy, as well as in the hearts of the grizzled veterans. Lee had inspired 
them, but in addition to this inspiration, as General Gordon writes, "every man of them was supported by their extraordinary con 
secration, resulting from the conviction that he was fighting in the defense of home and the rights of his State. Hence their unfal 
tering faith in the justice of the cause, their fortitude in the extremest privations, their readiness to stand shoeless and shivering in 
l ie trenches at night and to face any danger at their leader s call." 



I now come to what I have always regarded shall ever regard as 
the most creditable episode in all American history an episode without 
a blemish, imposing, dignified, simple, heroic. I refer to Appomattox. 
Two men met that day, representative of American civilization, the whole 
world looking on. The two were Grant and Lee types each. Both 
rose, and rose unconsciously, to the full height of the occasion and than 
that occasion there has been none greater. About it, and them, there 
was no theatrical display, no self-consciousness, no effort at effect. A 
great crisis was to be met ; and they met that crisis as great countrymen 
should. Consider the possibilities ; think for a moment of what that day 
might have been ; you will then see cause to thank God for much. 
General Charles Francis Adams, U.S. V. , in Phi Beta Kappa Address de 
livered at the University of Chicago, June 17, 1902. 

\\ 7"Et are now to witness the closing scene of one of the 
V V greatest tragedies ever enacted on the world s stage. 
Many and varied had been the scenes during the war ; the actors 
and their parts had been real. The wounds of the South were 
bleeding ; the North was awaiting the decisive blow. Thousands 
of homes were ruined. Fortunes, great and small, had melted 
away by the hundreds of millions. In Richmond, the citadel of 
the waning Confederacy, the people were starving. The 
Southern army, half clad and without food, was but a shadow 
of its once proud self. Bravely and long the men in gray 
had followed their adored leader. Now the limit of endurance 
had been reached. 

It was the second day of April, 1865. Lee realized that 
after Petersburg his beloved Richmond must fall. The order 
w r as given for the movement to begin at eight o clock that 
night. The darkness of the early morning of the 3d was 
suddenly transformed into a lurid light overcasting the heavens 




T. S. 



r. s. 










J. D. 



E. S. 


No photographer was present at 
Appomattox, that supreme mo 
ment in our national history, 
when Americans met for the last 
time as foes on the field. Noth 
ing but fanciful sketches exist 
of the scene inside the McLean 
home. But here is a photograph 
that shows most of the Union 
officers present at the conference. 
Nine of the twelve men standing 
above stood also at the signing 
of Lee s surrender, a few days 
later. The scene is City Point, in 
March, 1865. Grant is sur 
rounded by a group of the officers 
who had served him so faithfully. 
At the surrender, it was Colonel 
T ; S. Bowers (third from left) 
upon whom Grant called to make 
a copy of the terms of surrender 
in ink. Colonel E. S. Parker, the 
full-blooded Indian on Grant s 
staff, an excellent penman, wrote 


out the final copy. Nineteen 
years later, General Horace Por 
ter recorded with pride that he 
loaned General Lee a pencil to 
make a correction in the terms. 
Colonels William Duff and J. D. 
Webster, and General M. R. 
Patrick, are the three men who 
were not present at the inter 
view. All of the remaining offi 
cers were formally presented to 
Lee. General Seth Williams had 
been Lee s adjutant when the 
latter was superintendent at 
West Point some years before the 
war. In the lower photograph 
General Grant stands between 
General Rawlins and Colonel 
Bowers. The veins standing out 
on the back of his hand are 
plainly visible. No one but he 
could have told how calmly the 
blood coursed through them dur 
ing the four tremendous years. 

ppmtutttax attft 



for miles around the famous city whose name had bee- .ie a 
household word over the civilized world. Richmond was in 
flames! The capital of the Confederacy, the pride of the South, 
toward which the Army of the Potomac had fought its way, 
leaving a trail of blood for four weary years, had at last suc 
cumbed to the overwhelming power of Grant s indomitable 

President Davis had received a despatch while attending 
services at St. Paul s church, Sunday morning, the 2d, advis 
ing him that the city must be evacuated that night, and, leaving 
the church at once, he hastened the preparations for flight with 
his personal papers and the archives of the Confederate Gov 
ernment. During that Sabbath day and night Richmond was 
in a state of riot. There had been an unwarranted feeling of 
security in the city, and the unwelcome news, spreading like 
an electric flash, was paralyzing and disastrous in its effect. 
Prisoners were released from their toils, a lawless mob overran 
the thoroughfares, and civic government was nullified. One 
explosion after another, on the morning of the 3d, rent the 
air with deafening roar, as the magazines took fire. The scene 
was one of terror and grandeur. 

The flames spread to the city from the ships, bridges, and 
arsenal, which had been set on fire, and hundreds of buildings, 
including the best residential section of the capital of the Con 
federacy, were destroyed) 

When the Union army entered the city in the morning, 
thousands of the inhabitants, men, women, and children, were 
gathered at street corners and in the parks, in wildest confu 
sion. The commissary depot had been broken open by the 
starving mob, and rifled of its contents, until the place was 
reached by the spreading flames. The Federal soldiers stacked 
arms, and heroically battled with the fire, drafting into the 
work all able-bodied men found in the city. The invaders ex 
tinguished the flames, and soon restored the city to a state of 
order and safety. The invalid wife of General Lee, who was 


This fine mansion on Bolingbroke Street, the residential section of Petersburg, has now, on the 3d of April, fallen into the hands of 
straggling Union soldiers. Its windows have long since been shattered by shells from distant Federal mortars; one has even burst 
through the wall. But it was not till the night of April 2d, when the retreat of the Confederate forces started, that the citizens be 
gan to leave their homes. At 9 o clock in the morning General Grant, surrounded by his staff, rode quietly into the city. The streets 
were deserted. At length they arrived at a comfortable home standing back in a yard. There he dismounted and sat for a while on 
the piazza. Soon a group of curious citizens gathered on the sidewalk to gaze at the commander of the Yankee armies. But the 
Union troops did not remain long in the deserted homes. Sheridan was already in pursuit south of the Appomattox, and Grant, after 
a short conference with Lincoln, rode to the west in the rear of the hastily marching troops. Bolingbroke Street and Petersburg soon 
returned to the ordinary occupations of peace in an effort to repair the ravages of the historic nine months siege. 

exposed to danger, was furnished with an ambulance and- cor 
poral s guard until the danger was past. 

President Lincoln, who had visited Grant at Petersburg, 
entered Richmond on the 4th of April. He visited President 
Davis house, and Libby Prison, then deserted, and held a con 
ference with prominent citizens and army officers of the Con 
federacy. The President seemed deeply concerned and 
weighted down with the realization of the great responsibilities 
that would fall upon him after the war. Only ten days later 
the nation was shaken from ocean to ocean by the tragic news 
of his assassination. 

General Lee had started on his last march by eight o clock 
on the night of the 2d. By midnight the evacuation of both 
Petersburg and Richmond was completed. For nine months 
the invincible forces of Lee had kept a foe of more than twice 
their numerical strength from invading their stronghold, and 
only after a long and harassing siege were they forced to re 
treat. They saw the burning city as their line of march was 
illuminated by the conflagration, and emotions too deep for 
words overcame them. The woods and fields, in their fresh, 
bright colors of spring, were in sharp contrast to the travel- 
worn, weather-beaten, ragged veterans passing over the verdant 
plain. Lee hastened the march of his troops to Amelia Court 
House, where he had ordered supplies, but by mistake the train 
of supplies had been sent on to Richmond. This was a crushing 
blow to the hungry men, who had been stimulated on their 
tiresome march by the anticipation of much-needed food. The 
fatality of war was now hovering over them like a huge black 

General Grant did not proceed to Richmond, but leaving 
General Weitzel to invest the city, he hastened in pursuit of 
Lee to intercept the retreating army. This pursuit was started 
early on the 3d. On the evening of that date there was some 
firing between the pursuing army and Lee s rear guard. It 
was Lee s design to concentrate his force at Amelia Court 


At this railroad point, three miles from the Court House, a Confederate provision train arrived on the morning of April 8th. The sup 
plies were being loaded into wagons and ambulances by a detail of about four thousand men, many of them unarmed, when suddenly 
a body of Federal cavalry charged upon them, having reached the spot by a by-road leading from the Red House. After a few shots 
the Confederates fled in confusion. The cavalry drove them on in the direction of Appomattox Court House, capturing many prison 
ers, twenty-five pieces of artillery, a hospital train, and a large park of wagons. This was Lee s last effort to obtain food for his army. 


A detail of the Twenty-sixth Michigan handed out paroles to the surrendered Confederates, 

House, but this was not to be accomplished by the night of the 
4th. Not until the 5th was the whole army up, and then it 
was discovered that no adequate supplies were within less than 
fifty miles. Subsistence could be obtained only by foraging 
parties. No word of complaint from the suffering men reached 
their commander, and on the evening of that disappointing day 
they patiently and silently began the sad march anew. Their 
course was through unfavorable territory and necessarily slow. 
The Federals were gaining upon their retreating columns. 
Sheridan s cavalry had reached their flank, and on the 6th there 
was heavy skirmishing. In the afternoon the Federals had ar 
rived in force sufficient to bring on an engagement with E well s 
corps in the rear, at Sailor s Creek, a tributary of the Appomat- 
tox River. Ewell was surrounded by the Federals and the 
entire corps captured. General Anderson, commanding the 
divisions of Pickett and Johnson, was attacked and fought 
bravely, losing many men. In all about six thousand Confed 
erate soldiers were left in the hands of the pursuing army. 

On the night of the 6th, the remainder of the Confederate 
army continued the retreat and arrived at Farmville, where 
the men received two days rations, the first food except raw or 
parched corn that had been given them for two days. Again 
the tedious journey was resumed, in the hope of breaking 
through the rapidly-enmeshing net and forming a junction 
with Johnston at Danville, or of gaining the protected region 
of the mountains near Lynchburg. But the progress of the 
weak and weary marchers was slow and the Federal cavalry 
had swept around to Lee s front, and a halt was necessary to. 
check the pursuing Federals. On the evening of the 8th, Lee 
reached Appomattox Court House. Here ended the last 
march of the Army of Northern Virginia. 

General Lee and his officers held a council of war on the 
night of the 8th and it was decided to make an effort to cut their 
way through the Union lines on the morning of the next day. 
On the 7th, w r hile at Farmville, on the south side of the 


The sad significance of these photographs is all too apparent. Not only the bank buildings 
were in ruins, but the financial system of the entire South. All available capital had been 
consumed by the demands of the war, and a system of paper currency had destroyed credit 
completely. Worse still was the demoralization of all industry. Through large areas of 
the South all mills and factories were reduced to ashes, and everywhere the industrial system 
was turned topsy-turvy. Truly the problem that confronted the South was stupendous. 





Appomattox River, Grant sent to Lee a courteous request for 
the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, based on the 
hopelessness of further resistance on the part of that army. 
In reply, Lee expressed sympathy with Grant s desire to avoid 
useless effusion of blood and asked the terms of surrender. 

The next morning General Grant replied to Lee, urging 
that a meeting be designated by Lee, and specifying the terms 
of surrender, to which Lee replied promptly, rejecting those 
terms, which were, that the Confederates lay down their arms, 
and the men and officers be disqualified for taking up arms 
against the Government of the United States until properly 
exchanged. When Grant read Lee s letter he shook his head 
in disappointment and said, " It looks as if Lee still means 
to fight; I will reply in the morning." 

On the 9th Grant addressed another communication to 
Lee, repeating the terms of surrender, and closed by saying, 
The terms upon which peace can be had are well understood. 
By the South laying down their arms they will hasten that 
most desirable event, save thousands of human lives, and hun 
dreds of millions of property not yet destroyed. Sincerely 
hoping that all our difficulties may be settled without the loss of 
another life, I subscribe myself, etc.y 

There remained for Lee the bare possibility, by desperate 
fighting, of breaking through the Federal lines in his rear. To 
Gordon s corps was assigned the task of advancing on Sheri 
dan s strongly supported front. Since Pickett s charge at Get 
tysburg there had been no more hopeless movement in the 
annals of the war. It was not merely that Gordon was over 
whelmingly outnumbered by the opposing forces, but his hun 
ger-enfeebled soldiers, even if successful in the first onslaught, 
could count on no effective support, for Longstreet s corps was 
in even worse condition than his own. Nevertheless, on the 
morning of Sunday, the 9th, the attempt was made. Gordon 
was fighting his corps, as he said, " to a frazzle," when Lee 
came at last to a realizing sense of the futility of it all and 


Never again to be used by brother against brother, these 
Confederate guns captured in the defenses about Rich 
mond are parked near 
the wharves on the 
James River ready for 
shipment to the national 
arsenal at Washington, 
once more the capital of 
a united country. The 
reflection of these in 
struments of destruc 
tion on the peaceful sur- , 
face of the canal is not 
more clear than was the 
purpose of the South to 
accept the issues of the 
war and to restore as far 
as in them lay the bases 
for an enduring pros 
perity. The same de 
votion which manned 
these guns so bravely 

and prolonged the contest 
human powers to endure, 

as long as it was possible for 
was now directed to the new 
problems which the ces 
sation of hostilities had 
provided. The restored 
Union came with the 
years to possess for the 
South a significance to 
be measured only by the 
thankfulness that the 
outcome had been what 
it was and by the pride 
in the common tradi 
tions and common blood 
of the whole American 
people. These captured 
guns are a memory there 
fore, not of regret, but 
of recognition, gratitude, 
that the highest earthly 
tribunal settled all strife 
in 1865. 


ordered a truce. A meeting with Grant was soon arranged 
on the basis of the letters already exchanged. The conference 
of the two world-famous commanders took place at Appomat- 
tox, a small settlement with only one street, but to be made 
historic by this meeting. Lee was awaiting Grant s arrival at 
the house of Wilmer McLean. It was here, surrounded by 
staff -officers, that the terms were written by Grant for the final 
surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia^ The terms, and 
their acceptance, were embodied in the following letters, writ 
ten and signed in the famous " brick house " on that memorable 
Sunday : 


APRIL 9, 1865. 

GENERAL : In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of 
the 8th instant, I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of 
Northern Virginia on the following terms, to wit : Rolls of all the officers 
and men to be made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer to 
be designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers 
as you may designate. The officers to give their individual paroles not 
to take up arms against the Government of the United States until 
properly exchanged ; and each company or regimental commander to 
sign a like parole for the men of their commands. The arms, artillery, 
and public property to be parked and stacked, and turned over to the 
officers appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the 
side-arms of the officers, nor their private horses or baggage. This 
done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to 
be disturbed by the United States authority so long as they observe 
their paroles and the laws in force where they may reside. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 
General R. E. Lee. 



APRIL 9, 1865. 

GENERAL: I have received your letter of this date containing the 
terms of the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia as proposed 
by you. As they are substantially the same as those expressed in your 

k\ V 

il 3s- - \...: .>- 




On April 9, ISGo, the very day of the surrender of Lee at Appomattox, Lincoln, for the last time, went to the 
photographer s gallery. As he sits in simple fashion sharpening his pencil, the man of sorrows cannot forget the 
sense of weariness and pain that for four years has been unbroken. No elation of triumph lights the features. 
One task is ended the Nation is saved. But another, scarcely less exacting, confronts him. The States which 
lay "out of their proper practical relation to the Union," in his own phrase, must be brought back into a proper 
practical relation. But this task was not for him. Only five days later the sad eyes reflected upon this page 
closed forever upon scenes of earthly turmoil. Bereft of Lincoln s heart and head, leaders attacked problems of 
reconstruction in ways that proved unwise. As the mists of passion and prejudice cleared away, both North and 
South came to feel that this patient, wise, and sympathetic ruler was one of the few really great mc-n in history, 
and that he wou .d live forever in the hearts of men made better by his presence during those four years of storm. 

letter of the 8th instant, they are accepted. I will proceed to designate 
the proper officers to carry the stipulation into effect. 

R. E. LKK, General. 
Lieutenant-Genera] U. S. Grant. 

When Federal officers were seen galloping toward the 
Union lines from Appomattox Court House it was quickly 
surmised that Lee had surrendered. Cheer after cheer was sent 
up by the long lines throughout their entire length; caps and 
tattered colors were waved in the air. Officers and men alike 
joined in the enthusiastic outburst. It was glad tidings, 
indeed, to these men, who had fought and hoped and suffered 
through the long bloody years. 

When Grant returned to his headquarters and heard 
salutes being fired he ordered it stopped at once, saying, " The 
war is over ; the rebels are our countrymen again ; and the best 
sign of rejoicing after the victory will be to abstain from all 
demonstration in the field." 

Details of the surrender were arranged on the next day 
by staff-officers of the respective armies. The parole officers 
were instructed by General Grant to permit the Confederate 
soldiers to retain their own horses a concession that was most 
welcome to many of the men, who had with them animals 
brought from the home farm early in the war. 

There were only twenty-eight thousand men to be paroled, 
and of these fewer than one-third were actually bearing arms 
on the day of the surrender. The Confederate losses of the last 
ten days of fighting probably exceeded ten thousand. 

The Confederate supplies had been captured by Sheridan, 
and Lee s army was almost at the point of starvation. An 
order from Grant caused the rations of the Federal soldiers 
to be shared with the " Johnnies," and the victorious " Yanks " 
were only too glad to tender such hospitality as was within 
their power. These acts of kindness were slight in themselves, 
but they helped immeasurably to restore good feeling and to 

ft \j 

One of the proudest days of the nation 
May 24, 1865 here lives again. The 
true greatness of the American people was 
not displayed till the close of the war. 
The citizen from the walks of humble life 
had during the contest become a veteran 
soldier, equal in courage and fighting 
capacity to the best drilled infantry of 
Marlborough, Frederick the Great, or 
Napoleon. But it remained to be seen 
whether he would return peacefully to the 
occupations of peace. European nations 
made dark predictions. "Would nearly a 
million men," they asked, "one of the 
mightiest military organizations ever 
trained in war, quietly lay aside this re 
sistless power and disappear into the un 
noted walks of civil life?" Europe with 
its standing armies thought not. Europe 
was mistaken. The disbanded veterans 
lent the effectiveness of military order and 
discipline to the industrial and commercial 
developmenf of the land they had come 
to love with an increased devotion. The 
pictures are of Sherman s troops marching 


down Pennsylvania Avenue. The horse 
men in the lead are General Francis P. 
Blair and his staff, and the infantry in 
flashing new uniforms are part of the 
Seventeenth Corps in the Army of Ten 
nessee. Little over a year before, they 
had started with Sherman on his series of 
battles and flanking marches in the strug 
gle for Atlanta. They had taken a con 
spicuous and important part in the battle 
of July 22d east of Atlanta, receiving and 
finally repulsing attacks in both front and 
rear. They had marched with Sherman 
to the sea and participated in the capture 
of Savannah. They had joined in the 
campaign through the Carolinas, part of 
the time leading the advance and tearing 
up many miles of railway track, and oper 
ating on the extreme right after the battle 
of Bentonville. After the negotiations 
for Johnston s surrender were completed 
in April, they set out on the march for the 
last time with flying colors and martial 
music, to enter the memorable review at 
Washington in May, here preserved. 





associate for all time with Appomattox the memory of reunion 
rather than of strife. The things that were done there can 
never be the cause of shame to any American. The noble and 
dignified bearing of the commanders was an example to their 
armies and to the world that quickly had its effect in the gen 
uine reconciliation that followed. 

(The scene between Lee and his devoted army was pro 
foundly touching. General Long in his " Memoirs of Lee " 
says : " It is impossible to describe the anguish of the troops 
when it was known that the surrender of the army was inevita 
ble. Of all their trials, this was the greatest and hardest to 
endure." As Lee rode along the lines of the tried and faithful 
men who had been with him at the Wilderness, at Spotsyl- 
vania, and at Cold Harbor, it was not strange that those 
ragged, weather-beaten heroes were moved by deep emotion 
and that tears streamed down their bronzed and scarred faces. 
Their general in broken accents admonished them to go to their 
homes and be as brave citizens as they had been soldiers. 

Thus ended the greatest civil war in history) for soon after 
the fall of the Confederate capital and the surrender of Lee s 
army, there followed in quick succession the surrender of all 
the remaining Southern forces. 

While these stirring events were taking place in Virginia, 
Sherman, who had swept up through the Carolinas with the 
same dramatic brilliancy that marked his march to the sea, ac 
complishing most effective work against Johnston, was at 
Goldsboro. When Johnston learned of the fall of Rich 
mond and Lee s surrender he knew the end had come and 
he soon arranged for the surrender of his army on the terms 
agreed upon at Appomattox. In the first week of May 
General " Dick " Taylor surrendered his command near Mo 
bile, and on the 10th of the same month, President Jefferson 
Davis, who had been for nearly six weeks a fugitive, was over 
taken and made a prisoner near Irwinsville, Georgia. The 
Southern Confederacy was a thing of the past. 





This book is due on the last dace stamped below or 
R -^ th I edateto which renewed. 

Renewed books are subject to immediate recall 

LD2]A-60m-3 70 

. General Library 

Umversity of California 


It 05721